name='verify-v1'/>"> MediaTrial: 2012

Saturday, December 29, 2012

MFN : Most Favorite Nation or Most Frustrated Nation!

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MFN- Most Favorite Nation or Most Frustrated Nation. What MFN should be awarded to India by Pakistan.

Last Sunday in New Delhi, at around 9.30 p.m., a 23-year-old woman was gang raped for almost an hour on a moving bus and then thrown semi-naked on the road to die. The woman and a male friend were traveling in a public bus after watching a film on the evening of Dec. 16 when they were attacked by six men who took turns raping her. They also beat the couple and inserted an iron rod into her body resulting in severe organ damage. Both of them were then stripped and thrown off the bus, according to police.

After 10 days at a New Delhi hospital, the victim of a gang-rape in New Delhi was flown to Singapore on Thursday for treatment at the Mount Elizabeth hospital. The young woman's condition had "taken a turn for the worse" and her vital signs had deteriorated with indications of severe organ failure, said Dr Kelvin Loh, the chief executive officer of Singapore's Mount Elizabeth hospital. She passed away there.

This is the true face of India - Think again!

Friday, December 28, 2012

One Pound Fish

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After successful selling fish in just ONE pound. Pakistani singer Shahid Nazir of Pattoki arrived back to Pakistan.

Now, the government of Pakistan has also successfully sold rupee in One Dollar without singing a song!

Would you comparison please?

Inda given Asian Hokey Champions Trophy to Pakistan!

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It is quite obvious that in rewarding Pakistan; the title of Most Favorite Nation status by India, surprisingly gifted final mach to Pakistan.

What do you say?

Apple chief Tim Cook takes 99pc pay cut to $4m due to lack of stock bonuses

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Virtually all of Cook's $376 million stock bonus in 2011 was in awards that vest in two chunks - one in 2016 and the other in 2021. This structure was intended to keep Jobs' longtime lieutenant at the helm for many years, as the value of the stock will depend on how well the company is doing in 2016 and 2021.

Ministry wants to punish honest consumers, Oil & Gas Regulatory Authority opposes

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To this effect, the ministry has decided to move the federal cabinet for approval. In case the federal cabinet accords approval to this atrocious proposal, the gas tariff of Sui Northern would jack up by Rs9.60 per MMBTU and Sui Southern by Rs5.15 per MMBTU.

It may not be out of place to mention that the gas consumers are already paying Rs15 billion every year under the head of UFG (unaccounted for gas).

Do you agree?

President Mohamed Morsi signed Egypt's Controversial Constitution!

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Mohamed Morsi signed a declaration enforcing the charter late after the official announcement of the result of a referendum approving the basic law, Egypt's first constitution since Hosni Mubarak's overthrow.

Is this a real democracy?

Will Balwal Bhutto deliver?

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This is a question that not only being asked from PPPP workers but also questionable by the people of Pakistan.

What do you say?

Friday, November 30, 2012

Kalabagh dam: LHC ruling akin to attack on federation, says Afrasiab Khattak

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Kalabagh dam: LHC ruling akin to attack on federation, says Afrasiab Khattak

The shop of unrest has been opened by the illiterates like Afrasiab Khattak or kind.

When 18th amendment has empowered to provinces for generation electricity itself so as to why and in what manners so called shopkeepers are paving the ways with their vested interests problems.

Wednesday, November 28, 2012

“Is there any rat in the room,”

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Raheela Bibi, whose baby was bitten by a rat in the labour room, visited the nursery six times in an hour, just to see whether her baby was safe or not.

But what about the old baby Pakistan to whom more than a rats (it would be more appropriate to recall wild rats) have been bitten since long its birth!

Monday, November 26, 2012

Quetta: Doctors continue strike, patients suffer

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Doctors in Balochistan have vowed to continue their strike till the fulfillment of their demands.

The emergency services and operation theatres remained suspended in all public hospitals for the seventh consecutive day, while the outdoor patient departments (OPDs) remained shut for the 41th consecutive day.

The suffering patients all across Balochistan have strongly resented the obstinacy of the doctors persisting to continue strike in spite of grave situation in the backdrop of serious terror threats and the government’s failure in retrieving kidnapped Dr. Saeed Ahmad Khan, which triggered the strike.

The strike is being observed on the call of the Pakistan Medical Association (Balochistan) which was called on after the abduction of Dr Saeed Ahmed Khan, an eye specialist and head of LRBT Hospital, on October 16 from Sariab Road in the provincial capital.

Tuesday, November 20, 2012

Shaheen Dhada - Malala of India!

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"People like Thackeray are born and die daily, and one should not observe a 'bandh' for that". 
Whats wrong with the observation made against Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray by Shaheen Dhada? Nothing - truly nothing with.

The two were initially booked under the stringent IPC Section 295A (outraging religious feelings) and Section 66A, IT Act (offensive message through a communication device). Later, the first section was changed to 505(2) (creating enmity).

It will be difficult to reconcile free speech and religious tolerance, and perhaps some grey area between the two, some flexibility, is welcome. India must examine its laws regarding the Internet, however, and in the balance, the country would be better off if enforcing free speech online prevailed.

Arresting a person, and a 21-year-old at that, for expressing an opinion on an restricted-access social networking site is a clear case of abuse of authority. The girl was not slandering anybody, nor was she promoting hatred towards any community. She was merely expressing the view that there was no need for Mumbai to be shut down because a leader had died. Shiv Sainiks may not agree with this view, but what is the criminality involved in it? What is even more bizarre is that another girl was arrested merely for indicating that she agreed with her friend's views. Justice demands not only that charges be dropped against both girls, but that a case for wrongful arrest be registered against the policemen involved.

Wednesday, November 14, 2012

CIA - Cheap Buying Price

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Once upon a time an American leader (unknown and time) was saying that Pakistanis could sell their mother for a cheap benefit!

Now, what happened when two four star generals are under fire against a cheap affairs? David Petraeus as the director of the Central Intelligence Agency after an adulterous and Gen. John Allen, the Marine officer who succeeded Mr. Petraeus as the top military commander in Afghanistan 16 months ago found indulged for a affair that can not be described in simple words.

Moreover, Gen. William Ward of the Army, known as Kip, the first officer to open the new Africa Command, came under scrutiny for allegations of misusing tens of thousands of government dollars for travel and lodging.Brig. Gen. Jeffrey A. Sinclair, a former deputy commander of the 82nd Airborne Division in Afghanistan, is confronting the military equivalent of a grand jury to decide whether he should stand trial for adultery, sexual misconduct and forcible sodomy, stemming from relationships with five women.
James H. Johnson III, a former commander of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, was expelled from the Army, fined and reduced in rank to lieutenant colonel from colonel after being convicted of bigamy and fraud stemming from an improper relationship with an Iraqi woman and business dealings with her family.
The Air Force is struggling to recover from a scandal at its basic training center at Lackland Air Force Base, Texas, where six male instructors were charged with crimes including rape and adultery after female recruits told of sexual harassment and sexual assault.
In the Navy, Rear Adm. Charles M. Gaouette was relieved of command of the Stennis aircraft carrier strike group — remarkably while the task force was deployed in the Middle East. Officials said that the move was ordered after “inappropriate leadership judgment.” No other details were given.
While there is no evidence that David H. Petraeus had an extramarital affair while serving as one of the nation’s most celebrated generals, his resignation last week as director of the Central Intelligence Agency — a job President Obama said he could take only if he left the Army — was a sobering reminder of the kind of inappropriate behavior that has cast a shadow over the military’s highest ranks.

The reason of loosing each war of America just because of cheap attitude by their top rankers. If top brass can indulge themselves in meaningless activities, it could be said that only a cigarette of opium or a sachet of heroin can turn them into self state nation!  

Wednesday, November 07, 2012


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While speaking to a group of officers at GHQ, Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani said, “as a nation, we are passing through a defining phase. We are critically looking at the mistakes made in the past and trying to set the course for a better future. An intense discussion and debate is natural in this process. No individual or institution has the monopoly to decide what is right or wrong in defining the ultimate national interest. It should emerge only through a consensus, and all Pakistanis have a right to express their opinions. The constitution provides a clear mechanism for it.
 We all have a great responsibility to shoulder. We should learn from our past, try to build the present and keep our eyes set on a better future. We all agree that strengthening the institutions, ensuring the rule of law and working within the well defined bounds of the constitution is the right way forward. Weakening of the institutions and trying to assume more than one's due role will set us back. We owe it to the future of Pakistan, to lay correct foundations, today. We should not be carried away by short term considerations which may have greater negative consequences in the future.
 Armed Forces draw their strength from the bedrock of the public support. National security is meaningless without it. Therefore, any effort which wittingly or unwittingly draws a wedge between the people and Armed Forces of Pakistan undermines the larger national interest. While constructive criticism is well understood, conspiracy theories based on rumours which create doubts about the very intent, are unacceptable.
 The integrity and cohesion of the Armed Forces is essentially based on the trust reposed in them by the people of Pakistan. Strengthening this trust will ensure better security of the Country. Equally important is the trust between the leaders and the led of the Armed Forces. Any effort to create a distinction between the two, undermines the very basis of this concept and is not tolerated, be it Pakistan or any other country.
 While individual mistakes might have been made by all of us in the Country, these should be best left to the due process of law. As we all are striving for the rule of law, the fundamental principle; that no one is guilty until proven, should not be forgotten. Let us not pre judge anyone, be it a civilian or a military person and extend it, unnecessarily, to undermine respective institutions.
   All systems in Pakistan appear to be in a haste to achieve something, which can have both positive and negative implications. Let us take a pause and examine the two fundamental questions; One, are we promoting the rule of law and the Constitution? Two, are we strengthening or weakening the institutions? In the ultimate analysis, all of us would have served Pakistan better if history and our future generations judge us positively.”

Friday, October 19, 2012

Khakis in the uniform!

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  • The march towards civilization...the verdict indicating the change of behavior in civil society. When a guard involved in theft then to whom an aggrieved may report crime. In past we welcome Khakis with open heart but the history tells story somewhat else. "Mind your own business" or "honesty is the best policy" or "the man knows the company which he keeps" are most popular phrases that can not be denied.
  • The Supreme Court's verdict encircled both the establishments i.e civil and military to be kept themselves within limits. However, a renowned layer form the defendant's side astonishingly pleaded that Gen Beg had taken oath under the Army Act...This statement reflecting the still ideology of Khakis that determining their path for future which is debatable.

Thursday, October 18, 2012

Passport or Pass Port - This is Pakistani passport office!

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Do you want to get passport by yourself?

If yes, be ready for humiliation.

If not, get ready to contact agents around the offices.

In case of yes, go to passport office, first of all agents welcome you to token facility that cost around 2000 rupees, if you dared to go through your self, be quite and have a patience for a long long que....when your turn comes in, announcement will be heard by you "the time is over", you may come tomorrow... and the next day is off because of Saturday!
Well you conquered to get token, a private security guard shall welcome you and ask to show your paid challans,  relevant documents (as he is the director general of passport and immigration). You once again won the task and entered into the premises of passport office there a bad smell, noise and arrogant officials will welcome you with open arms. Thereafter, you by showing your strong mussels, strong will and affirm attitude and ultimately get receipt (along with certain documents including your children to be attested by gazetted officials). The struggle does not end and the time of waiting, patience will be assured that your passport (either applied through ordinary fee or urgent) will be delivered within stipulated time....just wait, wait and so wait.

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Who are the Taliban - Pakistani or American?

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  •     Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan is not the Afghan Taliban
  •     Its goal is to bring down the Pakistani government
  •     The TTP claimed responsibility for the attempted Times Square bombing

What a simple and being innocent attempt by the US to identify Talibans as Pakistani Taliban and shift its responsibilities on the shoulders of Pakistan. Hereunder the story for more to read!

(CNN) -- The Pakistani Taliban is a banned Islamist group with intimate links with the Afghan Taliban and al Qaeda.

While the attempted killing of 14-year-old teen activist Malala Yousafzai has brought renewed focus on the group, the brazen act is part of a long list of attacks on civilians and the military that the Islamist militant group has carried out in Pakistan's mostly ungoverned tribal area along the Afghan border.

Most recently, the group, formally known as Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), took the global spotlight when Faisal Shahzad, a Pakistani-American, attempted to detonate a car bomb in New York's Times Square in May 2010. The TTP took responsibility, and Shahzad testified that he had received training from them.

The following September, the U.S. State Department designated the TTP a Foreign Terrorist Organization.
Malala's recovery after Taliban attack
Malala's friend: No regrets

Are they "the Taliban?"

They are not "the Taliban" that the U.S. forces have been at war with in Afghanistan, according to a Pakistani analyst. But adopting the name "Taliban" is no coincidence.

Formally known as Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, the group is intimately linked with its namesake in Afghanistan as well as with al Qaeda. It shares its religious extremist ideology -- but is its own distinct group.

The groups also have a different goal, but its tactics are the same, says Raza Rumi, director of policy and programs at the Jinnah Institute, a Pakistani think tank.

"Their primary target is the Pakistani state and its military," he says. "It resents the fact that it (Pakistan) has an alliance with the West, and it wants sharia to be imposed in Pakistan."

Where do the TTP's roots lie?

Pakistan's army began hunting various militant groups in the semi-autonomous regions along Pakistan's border with Afghanistan known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in 2002.

In reaction, militant "supporters of the Afghan Taliban in the tribal areas transitioned into a mainstream Taliban force of their own," according to the Council on Foreign Relations.

During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, fighters from Pakistan crossed over the border to fight. They retained close relations with the Taliban after returning home, Rumi says.

In 2007, like-minded militias in Pakistan's triabl region came together under the command of Baitullah Mehsud.

As a result of its beginnings, Tehrik-i-Taliban is not a unified fighting force but a coordinated coalition of militias.

A U.S. drone strike took Mehsud's life in 2009.

The militant groups control different regions within the tribal area and often have different agendas and political objectives. The factions don't always speak with one voice, although it is widely believed they recognize Hakimullah Mehsud as their leader since Mehsud's death.

They are "not just guys hiding in mountains or caves," with loose factions having spread as far as Punjab province, Rumi explains.

"And they have also been joined by criminal gangs" to raise money through kidnappings and extortion. But the TTP has maintained the coalition nature of their roots.

"There is a lot of discord," says Rumi, "but for the moment they are all united."

Their opposition to the government and its allies has galvanized them.

"When (former president) Musharraf sided with the US in 2001 after the 'you are either with us or against us' line from (then-President George W.) Bush, this is when the Taliban began to resent the military," Rumi says.

The TTP does not encompass all militant groups in the tribal regions but does work together with some, such as the Haqqani Network.

What is the Pakistani Taliban's mission?

The TTP is fighting to overthrow Pakistan's government via a terrorist campaign, according to the U.S. State Department.

"They reject the Pakistani constitution," says Rumi. "They reject the democratic process in Pakistan."

Because of Pakistan's alliances with the United States and other countries, the Pakistani Taliban also attacks foreign interests in and outside of Pakistan.

Within Pakistan, Tehrik-i-Taliban often targets members of Pakistan's armed forces but also kills civilians for political and religious reasons. In a December 2009 bombing of a mosque frequented by Pakistani military personnel, the group killed 36 and wounded 75.

In March 2011, a TTP bomb planted at a natural gas station killed dozens.

An attack on a Sufi shrine in April 2011 killed more that 50 in Dera Ghazi Khan, the U.S. State Department said, which also suspects the group may have been involved in the killing of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007.

Assaults on U.S. and other foreign interests have included attacks on a military base in Afghanistan and a U.S. Consulate in Peshawar. The TTP has also claimed responsibility for the assassination of a Saudi Arabian diplomat.

"Their ambitions are linked to the agenda of al Qaeda," says Rumi. They would like to bring down the West and the United States, but "given their capacity and network, they are overreaching."

Why the May 2010 Times Square bombing attempt?

Since the United States is not in a state of war with Pakistan, its military does not pursue the Pakistani Taliban within that country's borders.

Instead the CIA has hammered the TTP and other targets in the tribal regions with drone strikes, which have inflicted heavy losses but not stamped it out.


    Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan is not the Afghan Taliban
    Its goal is to bring down the Pakistani government
    The TTP claimed responsibility for the attempted Times Square bombing

The New York City bombing attempt has been interpreted by some as an act of revenge.

The TTP's leader, Hakimullah Mehsud, recorded an audio message in April 2010 with a warning to the United States: "From now on the main targets of our fedayeen (fighters) are American cities."

Who within the Pakistani Taliban targeted the teenage blogger?

A Tehrik-i-Taliban militia led by Maulana Fazlullah once controlled the Swat region, Malala's home. Pakistan's interior minister blames it for the assassination attempt and has announced a bounty of $1 million on the heads of those responsible.

In an odd twist, the Pakistani military ran Fazlullah's group out of Pakistan in 2009, forcing it to operate in Afghanistan, where the U.S. military can openly pursue it.

Why is the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan so difficult to fight?

The Pakistani military has been at this for a long time, Rumi points out, and although there have been successes, the fight drags on.

"The impetus from the Taliban type of movement is the fight against the military," he says. Fighting them is what caused them to form in the first place. De-escalation should be part of the solution.

"The timely exit of the U.S. forces from Afghanistan is so important not only for Afghanistan but for Pakistan as well," Rumi says.

How should the government respond?

Rumi recommends a "holistic strategy, which includes military, political and institutional solutions." In the end, the people of the tribal regions need to be re-integrated into Pakistani society.

But he does not expect to see much an increase in military action against the TTP soon.

"This is an election year," he says, "so no political party would want to be seen as being creating more destruction and war."

Tuesday, October 09, 2012

Pakistan gunmen shoot 14-year-old girl in the head for speaking out against Taliban

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Gunmen in Pakistan shot and seriously wounded on Tuesday a 14-year-old schoolgirl who rose to fame for speaking out against Taliban militants, authorities said.

Malala Yousufzai was shot in the head and neck when gunmen fired on her school bus in the Swat valley, northwest of the capital, Islamabad. Two other girls were also wounded, police said.

Yousufzai became famous for speaking out against the Pakistani Taliban at a time when even the government seemed to be appeasing the hardline Islamists.

Pakistan girl accused of burning Koran given bail, gets dramatic helicopter release from prison!

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A Pakistani military helicopter plucked a young Christian girl accused of blasphemy from a prison yard on Saturday and flew her to a secret location after she was granted bail.

Live broadcasts showed heavily-armed police surrounding Rimsha Masih, believed to be no older than 14, covering her face with a green scarf as she walked to the helicopter.

A judge granted Masih bail on Friday and her lawyers are applying to have charges that she burned pages from the Koran dismissed after a local cleric was detained on suspicion of planting false evidence to stir resentment against Christians.

Monday, October 01, 2012

Pelt stones at Hina-Bilawal, say Bangladeshi maulvis

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Now a days, a malicious rumored love story regarding Pakistan's Foreign Minister Mrs. Hina Rabbani Khar and son of late Mohtrama Benazir Bhatto is at its peaks. According to the Bangladeshi tabloid the chief of dargah annoucned fatwa for pelting stone upon both of them. The story is as under:

Bareilly: The recent rumoured link-up of Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar and President Asif Ali Zardari’s son Bilawal Bhutto Zardari (as reported by the Bangladeshi weekly tabloid) has drawn the ire of self-declared custodials of religion from Bangladesh and Barelvi sect of Uttar Pradesh, who claim that the relationship is illegal, adding that stones should be pelted at the duo. Clerics of the sect have also deemed a wife seeking divorce from her husband on the base of improper reasons as unacceptable. They have even warned that a man cannot approach an already-married woman.

Clerics of the sect have also deemed a wife seeking divorce from her husband on the base of improper reasons as unacceptable. They have even warned that a man cannot approach an already-married woman.
Read more: Hina Rabbani Khar faces fatwa threat

Mufti Mohammad Kafil Hadis, from the fatwa centre of Dargah-E-Alahazrat commented on the rumoured relationship and said such a woman does not deserves to go to heaven. A one-man woman is the one whom everybody looks up to, he said.
There are similar laws applicable to men as well, which prohibits them from being in a relationship with an already married woman. Men should not even think of approaching a married woman, he added. The society should boycott such people, he asserted.
Meanwhile, Imam of Jama Masjid, Mufti Azizur Rahman spoke on the same lines and said that women with such traits are unacceptable. Citing rules for divorce he said, Islam doesn’t allow a woman to seek divorce from her husband for another man.
Meanwhile Hina Rabbani Khar’s multi-millionaire husband Firoze Gulzar, after the media buzz had officially moved an application, seeking details of Khar’s phone calls.

The rumoured romance, which Hina Rabbani and Bilawal Bhutto otherwise managed to keep under the wraps, came to light when the duo was caught in a compromising position inside the President’s house by Zardari, where Bilawal also resides.

Friday, September 28, 2012

What’s Wrong With Blasphemy? OPINION

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By ANDREW F. MARCH: Suppose there had not been a single riot in response to the now infamous video "The Innocence of Muslims," Not a single car burned, not a single embassy breached, not a single human being physically hurt. Would the makers of this risible little clip have done anything wrong? If so, to whom, and why?

These questions are now at the center of an international debate. President Obama himself touched on the issue in his speech to the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, in which he directly addressed the violent reaction in the Muslim world to the "crude and disgusting video." But does philosophy have anything to say to the view that many people have that there is something about this kind of speech itself - not just its harm to public order or its adding of insult to the injury of imperialism and war - that should not be uttered or produced?

Obviously, we think this about many other kinds of speech. Most of us think that it is wrong for white people to use the "n-word." (Use it? I can't even bring myself to mention it.) Personally, I would feel a shiver of guilt and shame if that word crossed my mind as a thought about another person. And it's not hard to account for that feeling. It is a word that is intimately associated with a chain of some of humanity's greatest historical evils - the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the practice of chattel slavery and countless legal, social and psychological practices aiming at the effective dehumanization of persons of black African origin. To perpetuate it publicly is to harm other persons, and this matters objectively even if I don't personally, subjectively care about the persons in question. But my feelings about this word are even deeper than this: I don't even want to participate in the history that produced it and its meanings by letting it grow roots in my own mind.

This word is just an archetype to fix our thoughts. I feel that way about a lot of other words, even if nothing can quite rise to the level of emotion as that one. I can account in a very similar way for my disgust at similar epithets that seek to target for exclusion, suffering and disrespect gays, Jews, Arabs, Muslims, women and others. The suffering and disadvantage of humans matters, and I am doing nothing important in the world when I use such an epithet without considering the well-being of other humans. Even when it should be legal to so, I have good - often decisive - reasons for not using such speech.

Can the same be said not about epithets but about speech that mocks, insults or tells lies about things that others hold sacred, whether they be texts, human prophets or physical objects? What reasons do we have to censor ourselves (something we do all the time, and often for very good reasons) in how we speak about things other people hold sacred?

Most secular philosophical approaches to the morality of speech about the sacred are going to begin with three starting-points:

- Human beings have very strong interests in being free to express themselves.

- The "sacred" is an object of human construction and thus the fact that something is called "sacred" is insufficient itself to explain why all humans ought to respect it.

- Respect is owed to persons but not everything they value or venerate, even if other persons themselves do not uphold such a difference between their selves and their attachments.

These three premises make it hard for some common arguments about speech and the sacred to fully persuade. Here are six I find to be common.

1. Blasphemy transgresses a boundary and violates the sacred.

From the perspective of the religious, this is greatest harm in blasphemy. In Islamic law, for example, both God and the Prophet Muhammad not only have value for the believers, but also have interests and rights themselves. But what reason does this give others not to violate the sacred if they do not agree that x or y is sacred or has such awesome value? No reason at all.

2. We should respect whatever people regard as "sacred" or treat as religious.

I have no objection to this as one principle of the morality of speech. Certainly, the fact that X is called "sacred" by someone else should give me some reason to rethink what I am about to say. But there are two obvious problems here: (a) this gives other persons wide latitude to claim a veto over my speech by calling "sacred" things I find anything but: the American flag, David Miscavige, Mormon underpants; (b) and it is so easy to think of examples where I am doing valuable and important things in speaking that outweigh the otherwise regrettable fact that others are injured or pained as an unintended consequence of my speech.

3. People are deeply hurt and injured by violations of the sacred or objects of love.

This matters. The pain of others always matters. But pain alone cannot explain the totality of our moral relationships. People are pained by all kinds of things. People attach themselves to all kinds of histories, symbols and institutions. Pain is sometimes deserved. At the very least, it is sometimes a reasonable cost to bear for other things we value. The religious know this better than most of us.

4. Blasphemy is dangerous.

The great Thomas Hobbes went so far as to declare insults to be a violation of natural law, even before we enter the social contract. He would not have been surprised at the reaction to the Danish cartoons, the "Innocence of Muslims" film or any bar fight: "Any sign of hatred and contempt is more provocative of quarrels and fighting than anything else, so that most men prefer to lose their peace and even lives rather than suffer insult." So, yes, the fact that an offensive word will contribute to an outbreak of violence is a very good reason not to utter it, often a decisive and sufficient reason. The problem is: what kind of reason? If we think that our words were reasonable and not meant to provoke, and we still censor ourselves, we are acting out of prudence or fear, and in a way treating the other as irrational. Aren't humans capable of more inspiring terms of association than mutual fear?

5. Blasphemy is hate speech.

There is no question that many in the West today use speech about Muhammad and "Islam" as cover for expressing hatred toward Muslims. They know that if they are talking about "religion" they can deny they are talking about persons. Many people doing this - from Geert Wilders to those behind "Innocence of Muslims" - are indeed hate-mongers. But we should avoid the all-too-common conclusion that because much speech about Muhammad is de facto barely coded hate speech about Muslims (and much of it is), all such speech is. Many believers will in good faith testify that no one who expresses hatred for Islam's doctrines and prophet can respect them as persons. I believe them. But from a secular moral perspective, there is no way to completely eliminate the gap between whatever qualities or value we imagine all humans to have and the many valuable attachments and beliefs actual humans are made of. After all, many religious thinkers will say that they despise secular materialism or atheism and yet still respect the misguided humans enslaved to those doctrines. I believe them then, too.

6. Blasphemy disrupts social harmony.

This is a different argument from the one that blasphemy is dangerous. Let us return to the "N-word." A plausible case can be made that the widespread public use of this word does more than offend, harm or intimidate African-Americans. It harms a certain kind of public good that many Americans are striving hard to attain - the public good of a society where people feel safe, valued and at home in their social home. There is a way in which all Americans are the victims of such speech; for I as a white American have an interest in an America where my sense of belonging is not achieved at the expense of others. In Europe and North America today, lots of public blasphemy about Islam (especially in visual form) performs this function. It serves to tell Muslims: "We don't trust you, we don't like you, and it's your job to change." All we have to do is remember speech about Catholicism in this country until quite recently. Cartoons of Catholic bishops as crocodiles coming to devour potentially Protestant children were much worse than an assault on the institution of the Bishopric or a theological disputation about where Christ's ecclesia is embodied. It was Protestant nativism directed at Catholics as persons, not only as believers.

For all the instinctive talk about the need for "respect for religion" or "sensitivity toward the sacred," this I think is what most people find most troubling about everything from the "Innocence of Muslims" to the (much worse) "Muslim Rage" Newsweek cover of last week. And I agree. But there are at least two caveats: (a) it leaves us with the conclusion that there is absolutely nothing wrong with the blasphemous content of such speech per se (nothing about Catholics bishops or the Prophet Muhammad that should never be maligned) and (b) we have to explain what kinds of social relationships we are obligated to care for in this way. Yes, I have an obligation not to make my Scientologist neighbor feel unwelcome but Tom Cruise? Bombs away.


What I have tried to argue is that none of these common arguments alone gives us sufficient reason to refrain from blasphemous speech, merely because it is blasphemous, the way that I do feel I have more than sufficient reason to never use (and to try to never think) the n-word. But that doesn't mean that none of the above were reasons not to violate what others hold sacred. They were reasons, just ones that might be outweighed by the value of the things I want to say.

So are we left with some crude felicific arithmetic: (amount of emotional pain) - (value of blasphemous speech uttered) = net morality of this or that utterance? I think there is something more to be said here.

We all too often speak about the harms of speech either in abstract terms (the speech is wrong) or in attribute-sensitive terms (one should not be mocked for this). But what is missing here is the sense of relational duties that so many of us feel. The view that one just says whatever one wishes regardless of the company one is keeping is not virtuous honesty or moral heroism, but a kind of moral autism. The content of speech is just one element of its morality; the recipient is another.

While certain aspects of morality ought to apply without regard for the identity of other persons and any relationships I may have with them, many other aspects of morality are precisely relational. I care about specific persons and my relationship with them. This increases the costs to my own conscience, moral costs, in saying things that I otherwise think are worth saying. There are lots of things I would normally say that I do not say to or around specific people. This is sometimes because I am scared of them, or scared of experiencing social awkwardness. Other times it is because I care about them and our relationship. They matter to me, and our relationship is a good worth sacrificing for. This is why we don't tell lies, or do tell lies, to certain people.

Could the morality of blasphemy be something like this? No - there is no abstract, relation-independent wrong in mocking someone else's prophet, even to the extent that I think there is wrong in using speech like the N-word. Instead, given the awareness of the impact such speech on others whom you might care about (even if you think it is wrong or silly for such speech to impact them in this way), the value you place on this relationships alters your moral judgment about such speech. The emotional world of someone about whom you care, or with whom you have a social relationship about which you care, matters to you when you speak.

Now, this is not a short-cut to merely condemning blasphemy. I may continue to judge my friends to be over-sensitive, or my speech to be so important, as to outweigh their emotional pain. And, of course, fellow citizens do not usually matter as much to me as people in my day-to-day life. And distant strangers matter still less. But, nonetheless, I think there is something for philosophy to encourage us to think about beyond the recycled clichés that emerge on all sides each time some new utterance creates an international crisis. At the very least, it encourages us to see conflicts over such speech not only as a conflict between the value of free speech and the value of sensitivity, but also in terms of social and political relationships that we have some obligation to care for.

Andrew F. March is an associate professor of political science at Yale University. He is the author of the book "Islam and Liberal Citizenship: The Search for an Overlapping Consensus" and a recent paper on free speech and religion in Political Theory.

Andrew F. March is an associate professor of political science at Yale University. He is the author of the book “Islam and Liberal Citizenship: The Search for an Overlapping Consensus” and a recent paper on free speech and religion in Political Theory.

Thursday, September 27, 2012

As Chinese Stocks Slip, Funds Move In

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And the Pakistani stock markets have a nose dive with trillion of rupees into ashtray.

Chinese shares fell to their lowest intraday level in nearly four years on Wednesday, and some foreign fund managers say they are ready to jump in.

The benchmark Shanghai Composite Index for shares listed on mainland China, known as A shares, briefly dipped below the 2,000 level for the first time since February 2009, before closing at 2,004.17. The index has fallen almost 9% so far this year amid worries over a slowing economy and the uncertainty surrounding a planned once-a-decade leadership change.

That makes it one of the world's worst-performing equities markets in an otherwise positive year. As of ...

CIA sends ISI monthly faxes about drone attacks: WSJ

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After blasphemous caricatures and profane and sacrilegious video by orthodox christian extremist in America,  posing innocence themselves. U.S.A has attacked once again hammered Pakistan by publishing the undermentioned false story that is self-explanatory!

About once a month the Central Intelligence Agency sends a fax to a general at Pakistan’s intelligence service outlining broad areas where the US intends to conduct strikes with drone aircraft, according to US officials.

The Pakistanis, who in public oppose the program, don’t respond.

This was stated in a report published by the Wall Street Journal.

The fax would not mention any specific target but outline the boundaries of the airspace the drones would use—large areas along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border referred to as flight “boxes” because they are shaped like three-dimensional rectangles in the sky, the report stated.

On this basis, plus the fact that Pakistan continues to clear airspace in the targeted areas, the US government assumes it has tacit consent to conduct strikes within the borders of a sovereign nation, according to officials familiar with the program.

In public speeches, Obama administration officials have portrayed the US’ use of drones to kill wanted militants around the world as being on firm legal ground. In those speeches, officials stopped short of directly discussing the CIA’s drone program in Pakistan because the operations are covert.

According to the report, the US justifies the legality of its drone attacks by citing Pakistan’s silence as tacit consent  but it is  also concerned about setting precedents for other countries, including Russia or China, that might conduct targeted killings as such weapons proliferate in the future.

Because there is little precedent for the classified US drone program, international law doesn’t speak directly to how it might operate. That makes the question of securing consent all the more critical, legal specialists say.

Pakistan also has considered challenging the legality of the program at the United Nations.

“No country and no people have suffered more in the epic struggle against terrorism than Pakistan,” Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari told the UN General Assembly Tuesday. “Drone strikes and civilian casualties on our territory add to the complexity of our battle for hearts and minds through this epic struggle.”

The report said that Pakistan believes the CIA continues to send notifications for the sole purpose of giving it legal cover.

Some in the US also worry about the possibility of Pakistan playing both sides as  a lack of a Pakistani response to US notifications might be a way for Pakistan to meet seemingly contradictory goals i.e  on one hand it lets the CIA continue using its airspace but on the other hand also distancing the government of Pakistan from the program, which is deeply unpopular among Pakistanis.

Government consent provides the firmest legal footing, legal experts say. The US has that in Yemen, whose government assists with US strikes against an al Qaeda affiliate. In Somalia, the nominal government, which controls little territory, has welcomed US military strikes against militants.

In an April speech, White House counterterrorism adviser John Brennan said the administration has concluded there is nothing in international law barring the US from using lethal force against a threat to the US, despite the absence of a declared war, provided the country involved consents or is unable or unwilling to take action against the threat.

John Bellinger, the top State Department legal adviser in the George W. Bush administration, was of the view that the US is “not unreasonable to assume consent” from Pakistan for the use of drones, “particularly when the US conducts repeated attacks and it’s open and obvious.”

Giving details of the procedure the reports says that there was a more open channel of communication, until the raid that killed Osama bin Laden prior to which the ISI would send back a fax acknowledging receipt.

The return messages stopped short of endorsing drone strikes. But in US eyes the fax response combined with the continued clearing of airspace to avoid midair collisions—a process known as “de-confliction”—represented Pakistan’s tacit consent to the program but after the OBL raid the ISI stopped acknowledgement receipt of the drone notifications.

According to the report, US officials believe that the ISI  chose that option knowing an outright denial of drone permission would spark a confrontation, and also believing that withdrawing consent wouldn’t end the strikes.

Ambiguity over the drone attacks is two-sided as  the US agency general counsels have drawn the line at revealing detailed criteria for picking targets or disclosing who makes the decisions. Leaving these things ambiguous could help shield officials involved against possible court challenges and avoid providing information that militants could use to evade targeting.

Google's Brazil Chief Detained; Court Bans Anti-Islam Video

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The country's Federal Police detained the head of Google Inc.'s Brazilian operations after the company failed to act on an electoral judge's order to remove videos from its YouTube site criticizing a candidate in a rural state election.

Separately, a Brazilian judge ordered Google to remove versions of the "Innocence of the Muslims" video that has sparked deadly riots across the Middle East from Brazilian YouTube within 10 days or face fines. The ruling was in response to a suit brought by a group called the National Union of Islamic Entities, according to court documents.

Google is no stranger to legal challenges to content on its video website. But the twin cases in Brazil may also shine light on the South American nation's sometimes freewheeling legal system, which has garnered more attention as Brazil's role in global business grows.

The head of Chevron Corp.'s Brazil unit was threatened with arrest and his passport confiscated after a small leak at a Chevron well this year, for example.

Legal analysts say neither Google nor any Chevron executives are likely to set foot in jail in the cases. Experts say Brazil's appeals process is long and even officials convicted of major white collar crimes are rarely, if ever, jailed.

But such jail-time threats could eventually damp enthusiasm for Brazil, even as the country seeks to attract the globe's blue chip companies, some analysts said. Google, for example, is building offices in one of Brazil's most expensive buildings in downtown São Paulo.

In the electoral case, Police said Google's Fabio Jose Silva Coelho was taken to a station in São Paulo, where he gave a deposition and promised to appear at future court dates. They said Mr. Coelho would be released since he wasn't accused of a major crime. The authorities were acting on a warrant issued by an electoral judge Tuesday. The charge carries the possibility of a year in jail.

After the warrant was issued, Google said it planned an appeal on the grounds that it is not responsible for the content uploaded by users of YouTube. Google didn't immediately comment further Wednesday.

In the video case, a separate judge said Google will be fined 10,000 Brazilian reais ($4,926) per day if it doesn't comply with his order. Still, the judge acknowledged the complexity of policing videos on YouTube.

The case "creates a clear conflict between freedom of expression and the need to protect individuals and groups against protests that could induce or incite religious discrimination," the judge said in his decision.

"Innocence of the Muslims" is a 14-minute video attacking the Muslim Prophet Muhammad.

Wednesday, June 27, 2012


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THE temperature in Pakistan's hyper-activist Supreme Court must have reached boiling point after Raja Pervez Ashraf was chosen on June 22 as the candidate of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) for prime minister. His predecessor, Yousaf Raza Gilani, was thrown out of the job this week by their Lordships.

The PPP had initially chosen Makhdoom Shahabuddin, an aristocratic former health minister, as the next prime minister, on June 20. But by the following day it had to hurriedly ditch him, after a warrant was issued for his arrest. While he was health minister, the ministry approved the import of a huge quantity of a chemical that can be used to manufacture ecstasy pills and other narcotics.
By Friday, instead of walking into Prime Minister's House, Shahabuddin was in court, seeking pre-arrest bail.

The choice of Ashraf is deeply problematic. He is known to all Pakistan as "Raja Rental", for presiding over deals which involved the government paying cronies to set up temporary or "rental" power plants, to plug the crippling shortfall in electricity supply, while he was energy minister.

The rental plants were often established with ageing equipment, though the government was charged for new gear, and the blackouts only grew. Rental power was deemed a "total failure" according to a Supreme Court judgment on the issue earlier this year, for producing high cost and insufficient electricity.

That verdict found that officials involved, including Ashraf, had "violated the principle of transparency" and must be investigated by the anti-corruption watchdog, the National Accountability Bureau, to see if they were "getting financial benefits" out of the "scam".

But more than the courts, the people of Pakistan will feel aggrieved at the appointment of a man whose ministry oversaw over a national disaster, pursuing questionable schemes while simply watching the problem grow. Ashraf, 61, became known for continually predicting the imminent end of the electricity shortage, only to have to eat his words before unabashedly issuing a new rosy prediction.

In recent days, the relentless summer heat has triggered violent protests across Punjab, the province that houses over half the population, over the electricity shortages, which means that fans and refrigerators don't work. There is misery for households while industry is being shut down.

Some in Pakistan see even darker clouds ahead. The appointment of Ashraf will also not impress the military, which is the ultimate arbiter of Pakistan's political process. The timing of the move on Shahabuddin was seen as highly suspicious, not least by him. The Anti-Narcotics Force, which is headed by an army general, is pursing Shahabuddin.

Conspiracy theorists -- which includes most people here -- think the object is to force early elections or even create such chaos that an excuse will be found to impose an unelected government of technocrats, by the military and courts working together. Elections have to be called by March 2013 anyway.

The legal-political circus is set to continue, so Ashraf's tenure could be very short lived. Gilani was disqualified from office by the Supreme Court for refusing to write a letter to the Swiss authorities to request the re-opening of dormant money-laundering cases against the president, Asif Ali Zardari, who also heads the PPP.

Ashraf is expected by his boss, the president, to resist court orders. As the legal arguments now having already been exhausted with Gilani, the court will probably give Ashraf little time to comply before also dispensing with him.

Then yet another prime minister will be needed. Pakistan can forget about any actual business of government getting done.

Monday, June 25, 2012


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Syed Shabbar Raza Rizvi 

Condemning the accused

“When your case is weak, take it to the media, instead of the court,” says Thomas Sowell. Laura Alber says, “If O J Simpsom was guilty, the media was responsible for his acquittal.” Both could be true. We are all witnesses to what is shown on the television every day when persons under arrest are brought to the court or are taken back to prison. A host of photographers and videographers gather and do not allow the accused and the police to even move. The suspects under arrest are depicted as if they are already declared guilty. Press freedom is a cherishable fundamental right but it is not absolute. It is subject to restriction and limitations mentioned under Article 19 of the Constitution.

It is time to sit back and ponder over the reasonable trends of the media; whether the media is contributing in holding fair trials or rendering them unfair and may be illegal? The individual who becomes the subject of press or television ‘items’ usually has his or her personality, reputation or career dashed to the ground almost forever, after the media exposures. When, years later, the court proceedings end in a clean acquittal or acquittal for lack of evidence beyond reasonable doubt, the affected person can resurrect his or her lost position. In the above context, few questions arise. Does the media in such cases permit the law to take its own natural course? Is pre-trial condemnation part of the law or fair trial? Can any body say who is guilty or innocent until the courts give their final verdict? The fate of victims and witnesses appears to be no better; the publicity they are subject to makes it impossible for the identity of victims of crimes and protection of witnesses. They are made vulnerable to pressures and intimidation by the offenders.

For the above facts, the subject of trial by media has, therefore, assumed extraordinary importance. There is need to educate journalists and media managers and to make them understand and respect the rights of their victims. They must be told not to intrude with the fundamental right to a fair trial of an accused. They also must understand and respect the boundaries of the freedom of press and at what point they cross those limits. Even the courts come under pressure or sometimes get influenced by media blitz. No one is fit to be who is likely to be influenced except by what he sees or hears in court and by what is judicially appropriate for his deliberations. However, judges are also human.

According to the Indian Supreme Court: “It would be mischievous for a newspaper to conduct an independent investigation of its own for a crime for which a man has been arrested and to publish the result of such investigation while the trial is in progress. A trial by newspapers, when trial by a competent court is going on, must be prevented. Such investigation on part of a newspaper would amount to interference with the courts of justice.” (AIR 1961 SC 633). During the investigation or trial no one is allowed under the constitution and law, consciously or unconsciously, to make a public opinion against any of the parties.

For the same reason, under law and even under the code of conduct, judges are not expected to speak or make unnecessary comments publicly, take such comments seriously and make up their minds. There are consistent grievances from some quarters that nowadays judges speak through words of their mouth instead of their judgments during the midst of proceedings. This is particularly happening in the cases of political nature, wherein, one way or the other, political controversies are also involved. There is a growing view that judges make, prima facie, unnecessary but deliberate comments knowing that they would be aired and published by the media to form public opinion towards a particular direction.

Sometimes, the comments by judges also give impression that undue publicity is being sought which also seriously affects the rights of the parties appearing before the court. It would be pertinent to quote the Code of Conduct for superior judiciary; Article 4 of the Code reads: “Functioning as he does in full view of the public, a judge gets thereby all the publicity that is good for him. He should not seek more. In particular, he should not engage in any public controversy, least of all on a political question, notwithstanding that it involves a question of law.” Last but not least, I may also state that the impact of pre-trial exposure by the media is infringing upon the fundamental rights of those facing criminal trials before the courts such as the rights to ‘life and liberty’ guaranteed under Article 9; fundamental rights of protection of equal treatment, person and reputation under Article 4, and political rights under Article 17 of the Constitution.

Friday, June 22, 2012

U.S. 'Mulls' New Covert Raids in Pakistan

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(WASHINGTON) — U.S. military and intelligence officials are so frustrated with Pakistan's failure to stop local militant groups from attacking Americans in neighboring Afghanistan that they have considered launching secret joint U.S.-Afghan commando raids into Pakistan to hunt them down, officials told The Associated Press.

But the idea, which U.S. officials say comes up every couple of months, has been consistently rejected because the White House believes the chance of successfully rooting out the deadly Haqqani network would not be worth the intense diplomatic blowback from Pakistan that inevitably would ensue.

(MORE: Revisiting a Key Legal Basis for Obama's Anti-Terrorism Drone Strikes)

Members of the Haqqani tribe have been targeted by pilotless U.S. drone aircraft, but sending American and Afghan troops into Pakistan would be a serious escalation of the hunt for terrorists and potentially the final straw for Pakistan, already angered over what it sees as U.S. violations of its sovereignty.

The al-Qaida-allied Haqqani tribe runs a mafia-like smuggling operation and occasionally turns to terrorism with the aim of controlling its territory in eastern Afghanistan. The Haqqanis use Pakistani towns to plan, train and arm themselves with guns and explosives, cross into Afghanistan to attack NATO and Afghan forces, then retreat back across the border to safety.

The latest round of debate over whether to launch clandestine special operations raids into Pakistan against the Haqqanis came after the June 1 car bombing of Forward Operating Base Salerno in eastern Afghanistan that injured up to 100 U.S. and Afghan soldiers, according to three current and two former U.S. officials who were briefed on the discussions. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity to describe the still-evolving debates.

The officials told the AP that recent discussions of clandestine ground attacks have included Gen. John Allen, the senior U.S. commander in Afghanistan, as well as top CIA and special operations officials.

Allen's spokesman, Navy Cmdr. Brook DeWalt, said Allen "has not and does not intend to push for a cross-border operation."

The White House and the CIA declined to comment for this story.

Pentagon spokesman George Little said the U.S. was still focused on U.S.-Pakistan cooperation.

"The key is to work together with Pakistan to find ways of fighting terrorists who threaten both the United States and Pakistan, including along the Afghan-Pakistan border, where extremists continue to plot attacks against coalition forces and innocent civilians," he said.

The U.S. relationship with Pakistan is arguably at its lowest point over the continuation of drone strikes to hit terror targets in Pakistan, the successful Navy SEAL raid in Pakistan to kill Osama bin Laden that was carried out without a heads-up to the country's leaders and the U.S. refusal to apologize for a border skirmish in which the U.S. mistakenly killed 24 Pakistani troops. On Thursday, the State Department's inspector general accused the Pakistani government of harassing U.S. Embassy personnel.

Pakistan has done little in response to repeated U.S. requests for a crackdown on the Haqqanis, and Defense Secretary Leon Panetta surprisingly voiced that frustration in a visit to Kabul this month.

He said the U.S. was "reaching the limits" of its patience with Pakistan's failure to tackle the tribe's safe havens. He added that the U.S. was "extraordinarily dissatisfied with the effect that Pakistan has had on the Haqqanis." He also made fun of Pakistan's ignorance over the bin Laden raid at a speech in India, Pakistan's archrival.

Pakistan's army has attacked militant strongholds across the tribal areas, except for North Waziristan, where the Haqqanis hold sway and shelter both al-Qaida and Taliban militants. Pakistani officials say that they intend to hit North Waziristan but that their army is too overstretched to move as fast as the U.S. demands.

Pakistani officials have conceded privately, however, that they have been reluctant to take on the powerful tribe for fear of retaliatory strikes.

To make up for Pakistan's inaction, the CIA's covert drone program has targeted Haqqani leaders, safe houses, bomb factories and training camps inside Pakistan, and special operations raids have hit Haqqani targets on the Afghan side of the border, but that has failed to stop Haqqani attacks on U.S. and Afghan troops and civilian targets.

The officials say Allen expressed frustration that militants would attack and then flee across the border in Pakistan, immediately taking shelter in urban areas where attacking them by missile fire could kill civilians.

The officials say options that have been prepared for President Barack Obama's review included raids that could be carried out by U.S. special operations forces together with Afghan commandos, ranging from air assaults that drop raiders deep inside the tribal areas to hit top leaders to shorter dashes only a few miles into Pakistan territory.

The shorter raids would not necessarily be covert, as they could be carried out following the U.S. military principle known as "hot pursuit" that military officials say entitles their forces to pursue a target that attacks them in Afghanistan up to 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) inside a neighboring country's territory.

The U.S. has staged two major raids and other minor forays into Pakistan's tribal territory before during the George W. Bush administration; the most contentious was in September 2008 when Navy SEALs raided an al-Qaida compound. The operators killed their target, but the ensuing firefight triggered a diplomatic storm with Pakistan.

Rather than fly in, which U.S. military planners at the time feared would alert the Pakistanis, the SEALs marched across the mountainous border, arriving later than planned because of the harsh terrain and just as the fighters were waking for morning prayers, according to one current and one former U.S. official. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the clandestine operation.

Everyone inside the targeted compound opened fire on the SEALs, including the women, one of whom lightly wounded one of the American operators. The firefight also woke the entire village, which joined in the battle, so the SEALs had to call for strafing runs by Black Hawk helicopters to beat them back.

At least one woman and one child were among the many dead.

Read more:,8599,2117888,00.html#ixzz1yWekpJ8s


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Born on December 26, 1950 in Sanghar, Sindh, Raja Pervez Ashraf has been elected MNA as a PPPP candidate. After completing a B.A degree from University of Sindh in 1970, his professional occupation has been that of business and agriculture.

It is ironically wonderful that Raja being former minister to water and power development authority (Wapda) had been fully failed to eliminate energy crisis (load shedding) from Pakistan and also has been involved in corruption allegation for receiving kickbacks in rental power projects and buying properties in London. The Supreme Court of Pakistan is hearing rental power projects case "Rental power projects case" and buying property overseas with corrupt payments "buying property overseas with corrupt payments". He was forced to resign due to corrupt practises.On 22 JUNE 2012 he was nominated as the prime minister of PAKISTAN after Syed Yousuf Raza GIllani.

The designated prime minister of Pakistan Raja is well know for his corruption, industrious, unlawful and much more being going to steering Pakistan.

Many think that this is foul play with opposition parties especially to PML-N. Zaradari wants to trap PML-N by winning its candidate for PM slot so that anomaly for the  remaining period in terms of premier ship may be account far into PML-N.

What do you say?

Saturday, May 26, 2012

Pakistan PM will not appeal contempt conviction: lawyer

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First of all, the objection over the punishment till the rising of court! The question arise as to why the micro punishment was given to PM, if so, why the precious time and money of the nation put to bin by the SC bench. It is, however, itself contempt of court by the Court, the dignity and decorum has been damaged by the judges of SC and invited to everyone come and the ridiculing the independence of the judiciary or defaming freely.

Secondly, the Speaker of National Assembly has failed to apply her mind as required by the Constitution and prevailing laws, and take the side to her party because of favouring to her husband Mirza Sahib back to wicket and hit sixes and fours around the ground.

Thirdly, all legal experts sided to PPP-p including SYRG, the Prime Minister of Pakistan insisting not to contempt the Court, but altogether, ignoring the definition to S.63 ibid read with Section 5 of Contempt of Court Ordinance, 2003 (Ordinance V of 2003). Once punished means disqualification. Very right if not going to appeal is just as deemed to disqualified by himself not by the SC.

This is what, not obeying, in-comprising, industrious attitude that leads Mr. Bhutto to death sentence; and remaining are just going on the same path and following to their founder!

Friday, May 25, 2012


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Memo No:cms93345/Reminder-01                        Through Courier

Monday, April 09, 2012

Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza
Medical Superintendent
Fountain House: -
Address: 37-Lower Mall, Near Session Court, Lahore (54000)- Pakistan
Tel: +92-42-37352803-05, 37320402, 37114778

Subject:        LEGAL NOTICE


This has been reference to the subject cited above wherein you were called upon to explain the following within period of seven days, but, unfortunately, you have failed to do so.

However, you are once again provided with an opportunity to explain your position within further time of seven days of receipt of this communication.

Consequent upon failure to comply with your commitments in respect of returning money illegally kept by you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza, Medical Superintendent, Fountain House, Lahore, to the tune of Rs.160,000/- of my real elder brother Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram who is not only an innocent citizen and also a resident patient at Fountain House, Lahore for the last several years and till to date no report writing regarding his health and care has been issued to his family. In view of the facts, a LEGAL NOTICE is being served on you to explain the following:

AND WHEREAS, you au courant with the complaint lodged with the office of the Punjab Chief Minister by the undersigned against a fraudulent namely Muhammad Naeem who has been working in the same office while ago, a Punjab Government employee who had fraudulently defrauded his money for illegally preparation of documents for U.S.A. Visa and also for appointing Mr. MOHI-UD-DIN AKRAM in some government department for which he defrauded Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram and deprived my brother from his hard money to the tune of  Rs.180,000/-.

AND WHEREAS, the complaint was acknowledged and respectively attended by the office of the Punjab Chief Minister (Complaint Cell) Deputy Secretary Mr. Irfan Nazir who recovered the money Rs.180,000/- from the above said fraudulent.

AND WHEREAS, the Deputy Secretary, Mr. Irfan Nazir had brought this money along with the accused Muhammad Naeem to your office and delivered the sum of Rs.180,000/- to Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram on 17th June,2011.

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza received and kept Rs. 160,000/- out of the recovered money Rs.180,000/-with your self or elsewhere without lawful authority and without intimation and presence of complainant (the undersigned).

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza, au courant with the matter and , without consulting and consent of the the undersigned, reimbursed Rs.20,000/- to the above said fraudulent and got signed different papers from Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram and kept with yourself all those papers without lawful authority and till date the signed documents have neither shown nor supplied copies or originals to the undersigned despite of demand on several times.

AND WHEREAS, upon visits and phone calls by the undersigned to you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza have either been escaped from your office or cunningly sharped different excuses on different occasions which strengthened the doubt that there is gross violation, cheating and fraud in the matter and possibly you defrauded and swallowed the recovered money aforesaid for your unknown personal vested interests.

AND WHEREAS, almost 9-Months and 6-Days, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza giving no hand and not cooperating to return the money illegally kept by you and deliberately failed to deliver the aforesaid recovered money to Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram in spite of my letter dated 28 February 2012 in which I demanded to return the same to my real elder brother.

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza is also hereby called upon to explain the reasons as to why you kept the recovered money i.e. Rs.160,000/- without any lawful authority.

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza is hereby called upon to explain the reasons as to under which capacity and to why you written off Rs.20,000/- to the fraudulent Muhammad Naeem without the consent of the undersigned (”the Complainant”).

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza is also hereby called upon to explain the reasons as to under which capacity and to why you got signatures on the papers from Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram while upon my demand the signed papers have ever supplied to me or Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram nor provided any certified true  copies of the same.

AND WHEREAS, it has been observed with great concern that instead of giving some vocational training or skilled education that can bring him to the normal life, Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram has been made peon by you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza with your office and put responsibilities on him for which he can not take that causes not only serious hazards to his mental health but also physical unfit that tantamount more problems faced by him as he has always been complained regarding undue responsibilities which is entirely contrary to health case measures and also contrary to the vision and mission statements of Fountain House, Lahore.

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza is further called upon the explain the reasons as to why and under which capacity, you are used to interfere within the family matters of others, and in the meanwhile, you were advised to refrain yourself from poking your nose into someone’s family matters and keep yourself away and be within the limits of patient’s healthcare which is your absolute duty for which your are being paid by the Fountain House, Lahore and the donors.

AND WHEREAS, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza deliberately connivance for attending and redressing the issue causing the undersigned and to the patient Mr. Mohi-ud-Din serious mental torture that leads towards proceeding to be initiated against you in terms of cognizable offense.

AND WHEREAS, keeping in view of above, you Dr. Syed Imran Murtaza is hereby advised to explain the reasons in writing with documentary evidence within the stipulated period of seven (7) days of receipt of this communication, failing which the undersigned reserves the right to take appropriate legal action(s) as warranted under the law.

Be informed, the undersigned has also reserves the right to bring under the knowledge of all stake holders, donors and collaborators and also to take the matter in the media (both national and international) for which all expenses/ costs, and funds, whatsoever, shall be borne by you.

13/10-Fane Road, Lahore.
Brother of;
Mr. Mohi-ud-Din Akram (Patient) at Fountain House, Lahore.

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

Pakistani who helped US sentenced to prison

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A Pakistani doctor who helped the U.S. track down Osama bin Laden was convicted of high treason Wednesday and sentenced to 33 years in prison, officials said, a verdict that is likely to further strain the country's relationship with Washington.

Shakil Afridi ran a vaccination program for the CIA to collect DNA and verify bin Laden's presence at the compound in the town of Abbottabad where U.S. commandos killed the al-Qaida chief last May. The operation outraged Pakistani officials because they were not told about it beforehand.

Senior U.S. officials have called for Afridi to be released, saying his work served Pakistani and American interests. His conviction comes at a sensitive time because the U.S. is already frustrated by Pakistan's refusal to reopen NATO supply routes to Afghanistan. The supply routes were closed six months ago in retaliation for American airstrikes that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers.

Afridi also was ordered to pay a fine of about $3,500 and will spend an additional three and half years in prison if he does not, said Nasir Khan, a government official in the Khyber tribal area, where the doctor was arrested and tried.

Afridi was tried under the Frontier Crimes Regulations, or FCR, the set of laws that govern Pakistan's semiautonomous tribal region. Human rights organizations have criticized the FCR for not providing suspects due process of law. There is no right to legal representation, to present material evidence or cross-examine witnesses. Verdicts are normally handed down by a Khyber government official in consultation with a council of government elders.

Friday, May 18, 2012

Bravo - Our Parliament!

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Every thing for SALE!

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The controversy between the two opposition groups was triggered by JUI-F’s decision to vote in favour of the government’s candidate for chairman of a parliamentary committee on the appointment of a new CEC.

JUI-F’s Maulana Ghafoor Haideri voted in favour of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leader Religious Affairs Minister Syed Khursheed Shah when the 12-member panel elected him chairman on Tuesday.

Nisar reacted angrily, arguing that Haideri should not have voted for the government candidate because he was the member of the panel on the opposition’s strength. He threatened to write a letter to Speaker National Assembly Dr Fehmida Mirza to replace Haideri with another PML-N member. In the 12-strong body has five members from the PML-N – but Haideri’s vote was decisive to help PPP elect its nominee.

Wednesday, May 09, 2012

PM Gillani Contempt of Court Final Judgement

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Here is full text of judgment of the Supreme Court of Pakistan in Case No.6/2012. According to the judgment, SC has identified the reasons of contempt to court be the PM (convicted) Syed Yousuf Rasa Gillani.

(Contempt proceedings against Syed Yousaf Raza
Gillani, the Prime Minister of Pakistan regarding
non-compliance of this Court’s order dated
For the Prosecution: Mr. Irfan Qadir, Prosecutor/
Attorney-General for Pakistan
For the Respondent: Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan, Sr. ASC,
assisted by Barrister Gohar Ali Khan,
Mr. Shaukat Ali Javid, Mr. Shahid
Saeed, Mr. Kashif Malik, Mr. Bilal
Khokar, Ms. Zunaira Fayyaz, Ms.
Ayesha Malik, Mr. Fahad Usman, Mr.
Tayyab Jan, Ch. Babras, Advocates
with Mr. M. S. Khattak, AOR
Dates of Hearing: 19.01.2012, 01.02.2012, 02.02.2012,
13.02.2012, 22.02.2012, 28.02.2012,
07.03.2012, 08.03.2012, 21.03.2012,
22.03.2012, 26.03.2012, 27.03.2012,
12.04.2012, 13.04.2012, 16.04.2012,
17.04.2012, 18.04.2012, 19.04.2012,
20.04.2012, 24.04.2012 and
Crl.O.P.6/12 2
NASIR-UL-MULK, J.— These proceedings for
contempt of Court initiated against Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani,
the Prime Minister of Pakistan, emanate from non-compliance
with the directions given by this Court to the Federal
Government in Paragraphs No.177 and 178 in the case of
2010 SC 265 ) for the revival of the request, withdrawn by
the former Attorney-General, Malik Muhammad Qayyum, to
be a civil party in a money laundering case in Switzerland. To
understand the context in which the said directions were
given by this Court, it is inevitable to state some material
2. It was in the fall of 1997 when the then Attorney-
General for Pakistan wrote a letter to the Swiss Authorities
investigating a money laundering case involving commissions
and kickbacks paid by two Swiss Companies, COTECNA &
SGS, in contracts granted to them by the Government of
Pakistan. The Attorney-General requested that the
Government of Pakistan be made a civil party in those
proceedings so that in the event the payments of commissions
and kickbacks were proved the amount be returned to the
Government of Pakistan being its rightful claimant, with a
further request for mutual legal assistance for the
prosecution of such cases pending in the Courts in Pakistan.
The request was granted. It is not necessary for the purpose
Crl.O.P.6/12 3
of the present proceedings to give further details of the
proceedings held in Switzerland. Of relevance is the fact that
the proceedings were still pending when on 15.10.2007 the
President of Pakistan promulgated an Ordinance called “The
National Reconciliation Ordinance 2007” (now commonly
referred to as “the NRO”). The stated purpose for the
promulgation of the Ordinance was “……to promote national
reconciliation, foster mutual trust and confidence amongst
holders of public office and remove the vestiges of political
vendetta and victimization, to make the election process more
transparent and to amend certain laws for that purpose and
for matters connected therewith and ancillary thereto;” Broadly
speaking, the Ordinance was designed to close investigation
and prosecution of certain categories of cases pending before
any of the investigation agencies and the Courts. Of
significance for the present proceedings is Section 7 of the
Ordinance which reads:-
“7. Insertion of new section, Ordinance
XVIII of 1999.- In the said Ordinance, after
section 33E, the following new section shall
be inserted, namely:-
“33-F. Withdrawal and termination of
prolonged pending proceedings
initiated prior to 12th October, 1999.—
(1) Notwithstanding any thing
contained in this Ordinance or any
other law for the time being in force,
proceedings under investigation or
pending in any court including a High
Crl.O.P.6/12 4
Court and the Supreme Court of
Pakistan initiated by or on a reference
by the National Accountability Bureau
inside or outside Pakistan including
proceedings continued under section
33, requests for mutual assistance
and civil party to proceedings
initiated by the Federal Government
before the 12th day of October, 1999
against holders of public office stand
withdrawn and terminated with
immediate effect and such holders of
public office shall also not be liable to
any action in future as well under this
Ordinance for acts having been done in
good faith before the said date:
3. The Ordinance and its various provisions were
immediately challenged directly before this Court in a number
of petitions filed under Article 184(3) of the Constitution.
While those cases were pending, the then Attorney-General
for Pakistan, Malik Muhammad Qayyum, in the light of the
promulgation of NRO, addressed a letter on 09.03.2008 to the
Attorney-General of Geneva for withdrawal of proceedings.
The letter has been reproduced in Paragraph No. 124 of the
judgment in DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case and because of
its relevance to the present proceedings, its contents are
“Dear Mr. Attorney-General,
We write you further to our meeting of 7 April
Crl.O.P.6/12 5
We hereby confirm that the Republic of
Pakistan having not suffered any damage
withdraws in capacity of civil party not only
against Mr. Asif Ali Zardari but also
against Mr. Jens Schlegelmich and any
other third party concerned by these
proceedings. This withdrawal is effective for
the above captioned proceedings as well as
for any other proceedings possibly initiated in
Switzerland (national or further to
international judicial assistance). The
Republic of Pakistan thus confirms entirely
the withdrawal of its request of judicial
assistance and its complements, object of the
proceedings CP/289/97.
Request for mutual assistance made by the
then government, which already stand
withdrawn, was politically motivated.
Contract was awarded to reshipment
inspection companies in good faith in
discharge of official functions by the State
functionaries in accordance with rules.
The Republic of Pakistan further confirms
having withdrawn itself as a damaged party
and apologizes for the inconvenience caused
to the Swiss authorities.
Your sincerely,
Malik Muhammad Qayyum
Attorney-General for
4. On 16.12.2009 this Court in the case of DR.
MOBASHIR HASSAN (ibid) declared the NRO void ab initio as
Crl.O.P.6/12 6
a whole, particularly, Sections 2, 6 and 7 thereof, being ultra
vires and violative of various Articles of the Constitution. It
further declared that the Ordinance shall be deemed non est
from the day of its promulgation and “as a consequence
whereof all steps taken, actions suffered, and all orders
passed by whatever authority, any orders passed by the
Courts of law including the orders of discharge and acquittals
recorded in favour of accused persons, are also declared never
to have existed in the eyes of law and resultantly of no legal
effect”. It was further held that all proceedings terminated in
view of Section 7 of NRO, shall stand revived and relegated to
the status of pre-5th of October, 2007 position. As to the letter
written by Malik Muhammad Qayyum, the then Attorney-
General for Pakistan, dated 09.03.2008 to the Attorney-
General of Geneva, reproduced above, it was declared in
Paragraph No. 177 of the judgment:
“Since in view of the provisions of Article
100(3) of the Constitution, the Attorney
General for Pakistan could not have suffered
any act not assigned to him by the Federal
Government or not authorized by the said
Government and since no order or authority
had been shown to us under which the then
learned Attorney General namely Malik
Muhammad Qayyum had been authorized to
address communications to various
authorities/courts in foreign counties
including Switzerland, therefore, such
communications addressed by him
Crl.O.P.6/12 7
withdrawing the requests for mutual legal
assistance or abandoning the status of a civil
party in such proceedings abroad or which
had culminated in the termination of
proceedings before the competent fora in
Switzerland or other countries or in
abandonment of the claim of the Government
of Pakistan to huge amounts of allegedly
laundered moneys, are declared to be
unauthorized, unconstitutional and illegal
acts of the said Makik Muhammad Qayyum.”
5. As a consequence of the above declaration that
Malik Muhammad Qayyum was never authorized to send
communication to the Attorney-General of Geneva, the Court
gave the following direction in Paragraph No. 178 of the
“Since the NRO, 2007 stands declared void
ab initio, therefore, any actions taken or
suffered under the said law are also non est
in law and since the communications
addressed by Malik Muhammad Qayyum to
various foreign fora/authorities/courts
withdrawing the requests earlier made by the
Government of Pakistan for mutual legal
assistance; surrendering the status of civil
party; abandoning the claims to the allegedly
laundered moneys lying in foreign countries
including Switzerland, have also been
declared by us to be unauthorized and illegal
communications and consequently of no legal
effect, therefore, it is declared that the initial
requests for mutual legal assistance; securing
the status of civil party and the claim lodged
Crl.O.P.6/12 8
to the allegedly laundered moneys lying in
foreign countries including Switzerland are
declared never to have been withdrawn.
Therefore, the Federal Government and
other concerned authorities are ordered
to take immediate steps to seek revival of
the said requests, claims and status.”
6. Despite the above clear declaration and categorical
direction given by this Court on 16.12.2009, the Federal
Government took no steps, whatsoever, towards
implementation of the order. It was not until 29.3.2010 that a
Bench of this Court, headed by the Hon’ble Chief Justice,
while taking suo motu notice of a news item regarding
promotion of one Ahmed Riaz Sheikh an NRO beneficiary as
head of the Economic Crime Wing of the Federal Investigation
Agency (FIA) notice was taken of non-implementation of the
various directions given in DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case.
The Court, therefore, in strong terms directed compliance
regarding steps for revival of the cases, including those
outside the country.
7. To understand why the present action was initiated
against the Prime Minister of the country, it is necessary to
mention some of the many orders passed by this Court for the
implementation of the said direction. The matter was again
taken up by the Court on 30.03.2010 when the then Secretary,
Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary Affairs, Mr. Justice
(Retd) Aqil Mirza, was summoned to the Court and questioned
Crl.O.P.6/12 9
about the delay in the implementation. He sought time to
furnish reply and on 31.03.2010 reports were submitted on
behalf of the Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary Affairs
as well as the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). Copies of
the reports were handed over to Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan, the
then Attorney-General for Pakistan, who sought time to go
through the same and “appraise the Court with regard to the
compliance of the judgment in letter and spirit”. On 01.04.2010
the Court was informed that a letter was written to the Swiss
Authorities by the Chairman NAB. The Court, however, was of
the view that a request for being civil/damaged party to the
proceedings in Switzerland shall be made by the Government
of Pakistan, keeping in view the relations in between the
sovereign States and by following the procedure adopted
earlier. The direction was given in the morning and the matter
was adjourned to the afternoon of the same day for a positive
response. However, when the Attorney-General appeared at
1.30 p.m., he revealed that “he did his best to have access to
the record of the case lying with Ministry of Law, Justice &
Parliamentary Affairs, but Mr. Babar Awan, Minister of the
Ministry, was not allowing him to lay hands on the same for one
or the other reason.” Upon this statement, the Court
summoned the Secretary, Ministry for Law, Justice &
Parliamentary Affairs, the same day, who informed the Court
that he had received three sealed envelopes from the Foreign
Office, one addressed to him, the other two containing some
Crl.O.P.6/12 10
material for the Attorney-General, Switzerland and another
functionary. In the letter addressed to him opinion was sought
regarding sending of the envelopes through Diplomatic Bags to
Switzerland. That he kept the two envelopes at home in safe
custody and was yet to form an opinion on the matter. Upon
this disclosure, the Court observed:-
“….we have noted with great pain that,
prima facie, the functionaries of the Law
Department are not really interested to
implement the judgment of this Court,
because no sooner Secretary, Law received
directions of this Court, they should have
contacted the Attorney General as well as to
Chairman, NAB to process the cases, during
course of the day, when now it is already
4.00 pm rather he had left his house for office
and kept those envelops in safe custody over
there. Be that as it may, we direct the
Secretary, Law to start process now and
complete the same according to law and the
diplomatic relations, following the procedure,
which was followed when the reference was
filed in 1997 and submit report in this behalf.
In the meantime, learned Attorney General
and Mr. Abid Zubairi, ASC shall remain in
contact with him and provide whatever
assistance they can extend to him.”
8. The Court ordered the Attorney-General for
Pakistan and Mr. Abid Zubairi, learned ASC for the NAB, to
submit report to the Registrar of the Court to the effect “that
request for opening of Swiss cases has been forwarded
Crl.O.P.6/12 11
accordingly and no lacuna is left therein;” No such report was
ever submitted. Rather, Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan resigned
from the office of the Attorney-General for Pakistan.
9. The matter of implementation of the judgment,
thereafter, was placed before another Bench of this Court on
29.4.2010. On the said date, the Deputy Attorney-General
appeared on behalf of the Federation, who knew next to
nothing of the case. After a few adjournments when no
progress was in sight, the Secretary, Ministry of Law, Justice
& Parliamentary Affairs, was summoned by the Court for
13.05.2010. By then, Moulvi Anwar-ul-Haq, had taken over as
Attorney-General for Pakistan, who informed the Court that
the Secretary was indisposed at Lahore. Instead of turning up
in Court the following day, he sent an application by fax from
Lahore that he could not attend the Court as he had
undergone a surgery and that he has resigned from his office.
After Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan, this was the second casualty
of the implementation process.
10. In view of the above situation when no clear
statement on behalf of the Government was forthcoming, the
Court felt constrained to call the Minister for Law, Justice &
Parliamentary Affairs. The then Minister, Mr. Babar Awan,
appeared on 25.05.2010 and after making detailed
representation, informed the Court that a summary has
already been prepared and presented to the Prime Minister of
Pakistan regarding implementation of the judgment relating to,
Crl.O.P.6/12 12
inter-alia, revival of the Government’s request to the Swiss
Authorities. He was directed to file concise statement with the
observation that it was “clarified that the concise statement
shall specify expressly the steps taken for the implementation of
the afore-mentioned judgment.”
11. With the concise statement filed on behalf of the
Federal Government, reference was made to the observation
given by the Prime Minister on the Summary presented to him
by the Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary Affairs, and
the same was reproduced in the order of this Court dated
10.06.2010 “The Prime Minister has observed that Ministry of
Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs has not given any
specific views in the matter, as per Rules of Business, 1973.
However, under the circumstances, the prime Minister has been
pleased to direct that the Law Ministry may continue with the
stance taken in this case.” Since the observation of the Prime
Minister indicated that there was no specific view presented by
the Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary Affairs, we,
therefore, directed that the very Summary, on which the
observations were made, be placed before the Court. Upon
perusal of the Summary on 11.06.2010 the Court found that
the proposal made to the Prime Minister was not for the
implementation of Paragraph No. 178 of the judgment in DR.
MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case but rather for its nonimplementation.
The Court, therefore, ordered that the said
Summary be totally ignored and a fresh one be submitted by
Crl.O.P.6/12 13
the next date of hearing in terms of Paragraph No. 178. We
were, however, disappointed when on the following day, we
were informed by the Attorney-General for Pakistan that no
summary at all was presented to the Prime Minister pursuant
to our orders. Thereafter, these implementation proceedings
were suspended by a larger Bench of this Court, hearing a
petition filed by the Federation for review of the judgment in
12. The review petition was dismissed on 25.11.2011
by a short order, detailed judgment whereof is reported as
2012 SC 106). The grounds taken up in the review petition
are reproduced in the review judgment, two of which, Nos. XII
and XIV, relate to Paragraph No. 178 of the judgment under
review. In Paragraph No. 11 of the review judgment, reference
was made to the submissions made on behalf of the Federal
Government, including those relating to the said Paragraph
No. 178. The argument, regarding the said Paragraph, was
taken note of in Paragraph No. 14 of the review judgment and
rejected. The short order in the review petition has been
reproduced in the final judgment, which concludes with the
direction that “the concerned authorities are hereby directed to
comply with the judgment dated 16.12.2009 in letter and spirit
without any further delay.”
13. After dismissal of the review petition,
implementation of the judgment in DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s
Crl.O.P.6/12 14
case (ibid), with particular reference to Paragraph No. 178
thereof, was placed before a five-member Bench. The matter
came up for hearing on 3.1.2012 and when the Attorney-
General for Pakistan was asked as to whether any summary
was submitted to the Prime Minister of Pakistan pursuant to
the earlier order of 5.7.2010, the Attorney-General expressed
his ignorance of any such development and, thus, the case
was adjourned to 10.1.2012. When no positive response came
from the Attorney-General for Pakistan, the Court passed a
twelve pages order recapitulating the history of the
implementation process and mentioned six options, besides
others, which the Court could exercise for implementation of
the judgment. The one that was eventually adopted in the first
instance culminating in the present contempt proceedings was
Option No.2 which states:-
“Proceedings may be initiated against the
Chief Executive of the Federation, i.e. the
Prime Minister, the Federal Minister for Law,
Justice and Human Rights Division and the
Federal Secretary Law, Justice and Human
Rights Division for committing contempt of this
Court by persistently, obstinately and
contumaciously resisting, failing or refusing to
implement or execute in full the directions
issued by this Court in its judgment delivered
in the case of Dr. Mobashir Hassan (supra)..”
14. The Attorney-General for Pakistan was put on
notice “….to address arguments before this Court on the
following date of hearing, after obtaining instructions from those
Crl.O.P.6/12 15
concerned, as to why any of the mentioned options may not be
exercised by the Court”. It further issued a general notice that
“any person likely to be affected by exercise of the above
mentioned options may appear before this Court on the next
date of hearing and address this Court in the relevant regard so
that he may not be able to complain in future that he had been
condemned by this Court unheard.” The Attorney-General was
further directed to inform all such persons mentioned in the
order about its passage and of the next date of hearing. On the
suggestion of the five-member Bench the Hon’ble Chief Justice
enlarged its strength to seven.
15. On 16.1.2012, the Attorney-General for Pakistan
appeared and informed the Court that the order of 10.1.2012
was communicated to all the relevant persons and the
Authorities mentioned therein, including the President of
Pakistan and the Prime Minister, but he had not received any
instruction to be communicated to the Court. It was in these
circumstances that the Court felt that it was left with no
option but to issue show cause notice to the Respondent, the
Prime Minister of Pakistan, under Article 204 of the
Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan read with
Section 17 of the Contempt of Court Ordinance (V of 2003), as
to why he shall not be held in contempt of this Court. The
Respondent (Prime Minister of Pakistan) appeared and
personally addressed the Court generally, defended his
inaction by referring to the immunity of the President of
Crl.O.P.6/12 16
Pakistan and having acted on the advice tendered to him in
the ordinary course of business. After granting preliminary
hearing to the Respondent in terms of Section 17(3) of the
Ordinance and hearing his learned counsel Barrister Aitzaz
Ahsan, Sr. ASC, we decided that it was in the interest of
justice to proceed against the Respondent in the contempt
proceedings and framed the following charge:-
“That you, Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani, the
Prime Minister of Pakistan, have willfully
flouted, disregarded and disobeyed the
direction given by this Court in Para 178 in
the case of “Dr. Mobashir Hassan v
Federation of Pakistan (PLD 2010 SC 265)”
to revive the request by the Government of
Pakistan for mutual legal assistance and
status of civil party and the claims lodged to
the allegedly laundered moneys lying in
foreign countries, including Switzerland,
which were unauthorizedly withdrawn by
communication by Malik Muhammad
Qayyum, former Attorney General for
Pakistan to the concerned authorities, which
direction you were legally bound to obey and
thereby committed contempt of court within
the meanings of Article 204(2) of the
Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan
1973 read with Section 3 of the Contempt of
Court Ordinance (Ordinance V of 2003),
punishable under Section 5 of the Ordinance
and within the cognizance of this Court. We
hereby direct that you be tried by this Court
on the above said charge.”
Crl.O.P.6/12 17
16. Moulvi Anwar-ul-Haq, leaned Attorney-General for
Pakistan, was appointed to prosecute the Respondent. On
behalf of the prosecution, the Attorney-General tendered in
evidence documents comprising the judgments in DR.
MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case as well as in the review petition
and all the orders passed from time to time relating to
implementation of the judgment (Ex.P1 to P40). The
Respondent in his defence produced only one witness, Ms.
Nargis Sethi (D.W.1) who had remained the Principal Secretary
to the Prime Minister during the relevant period. She tendered
in defence two Summaries, Ex.D/1 dated 21.5.2010 and
Ex.D/2 dated 21.9.2010, along with documents appended with
the Summaries submitted to the Prime Minister. The Prime
Minister opted not to testify on oath but put up his defence
through a written statement unaccompanied by his affidavit.
17. After recording of the evidence was completed and
the learned counsel for the defence started his arguments, we
were informed that Maulvi Anwar-ul-Haq had resigned as
Attorney-General for Pakistan and in his place, the Federal
Government appointed Mr. Irfan Qadir who then took over the
18. The learned counsel appearing for the
Respondent, raised a preliminary objection to the very trial of
contempt by this Bench on the ground that since it initiated
the proceedings suo motu, issued show cause notice and
framed charge, it no longer remained competent to proceed
Crl.O.P.6/12 18
with the trial, for to do so would be in violation of the
principle of ‘fair trial’ now guaranteed as a fundamental right
under Article 10A incorporated in the Constitution by the
Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010. For the sake
of facility, Article 10A reads:
“10A. For the determination of his civil
rights and obligations or in any criminal
charge against him a person shall be entitled
to a fair trial and due process.”
19. The learned counsel maintained that the principle
of ‘fair trial’ must fulfill two conditions, firstly that ‘no one
shall be condemned unheard’ and secondly that ‘a person
cannot be a judge in his own cause’. Basing his argument on
second condition, it was contended that this Bench having
already formed an opinion, even if prima facie, about the
culpability of the Respondent, it was no longer competent to
proceed with the trial. He clarified that it was not a question
of recusal by the members of the Bench but that of their
disqualification to sit in trial and give judgment. Emphasizing
the importance of incorporation of Article 10A in the
Constitution, the learned counsel maintained that it had
brought about a radical change in the scope of the law
relating to determination of civil rights and obligations as well
as criminal charge, ensuring that every person shall be
entitled to ‘fair trial and due process’. He pointed out that
whereas many other fundamental rights enshrined in the
Constitution had been made subject to law, such limits have
Crl.O.P.6/12 19
not been imposed on the fundamental right under Article
10A. Further drawing distinction between Article 4 and Article
10A of the Constitution, it was argued that the former
provision entitles every person to be treated in accordance
with the law as it exists, whereas the latter confers a
Constitutional right upon the individuals to a ‘fair trial’
regardless of, and notwithstanding, any provision in a subconstitutional
law. That trial by this Bench will be in accord
with the Contempt of Court Ordinance and would thus fulfill
the requirements of Article 4 but would be void in view of
Article 10A for it offends the principle of ‘fair trial’. That while
admitting that the principle of the right to a ‘fair trial’ was
already well entrenched in our jurisprudence, the learned
counsel argued that Article 10A had graduated the rule to a
higher pedestal of a fundamental right guaranteed by the
Constitution. Conceding that under the ordinary law, there
was an exception to the rule that ‘no man can be a judge in
his own cause’, allowing a Judge, who takes suo motu notice
of contempt, to try a contemnor, he contended that the
exception is no longer valid after the introduction of Article
20. On the question as to whether the provisions of
the Contempt of Court Ordinance, 2003 allowing the trial of
contempt by a Judge, who issues notice and frames charge,
can be challenged in collateral proceedings without a frontal
attack through separate proceedings, the learned counsel
Crl.O.P.6/12 20
submitted that if an existing law is void being inconsistent
with any of the fundamental rights, enshrined in the
Constitution, it must be ignored, for it becomes unenforceable
in view of Article 8(1) of the Constitution. To substantiate this
argument, reliance was placed upon the cases of FAUJI
PAKISTAN ( PLD 2006 SC 602 ).
21. When it was pointed out to the learned counsel
that he has not referred to any particular provision of the
Contempt of Court Ordinance 2003, being inconsistent with
Article 10A of the Constitution, the learned counsel submitted
that the longstanding practice of the Court allowing a Bench
taking suo motu notice, to try the contemnor is ‘usage having
the force of law’ within the meaning of Article 8 of the
Constitution. Reference was made to the definition of the
Crl.O.P.6/12 21
word ‘usage’, in Black’s Law Dictionary, Wharton’s Law
Lexicon and Shorter Oxford English Dictionary. Furthermore
that Article 10A is to be read into the Ordinance to provide for
an omission therein so as to bring it in conformity with the
said fundamental right. That the stipulation in Section 11(3)
of the Ordinance barring a Judge, who initiates proceedings
for ‘judicial contempt’ as defined in the Ordinance, to try the
contemnor, shall also be read into Section 12 of the
Ordinance relating to proceedings in case of a ‘civil contempt’.
To substantiate his arguments that this Court has in the past
read into statutes omission made therein on the principle of
casus omissus, the learned counsel cited the cases of ALJEHAD
PAKISTAN ( PLD 2001 607 ). He also referred to the interim
order in the case of NADEEM AHMED v. THE FEDERATION OF
PAKISTAN (Constitution Petition No. 11 of 2010 etc.),
where this Court while referring certain proposals to the
Parliament regarding the new procedure laid down under
Article 175A in the Constitution for the appointment of
Judges in the superior Courts, gave certain directions for
appointments during the interregnum. In the same context
reference was also made to MD. SONAFAR ALI v. THE STATE (
1969 SCMR 460 ).
22. The learned counsel maintained that a
fundamental right can neither be surrendered nor waived. For
Crl.O.P.6/12 22
this proposition he placed reliance upon GOVERNMENT OF
( PLD 2007 SC 642 ) and OLGA TELLIS v. BOMBAY
ROADMASTER INDS. OF INDIA ( AIR 2000 SC 1401 ). That in
any case the Respondent objected to his trial by this Bench
after the charge was framed when the trial commenced.
Additionally it was argued that ‘due process’ under Article
10A requires that a person can only be tried by a competent
Court or Tribunal and this Bench being not competent to try
the Respondent, the trial militates against the principle of
‘due process’. Reference in this context was made to the cases
OF PAKISTAN (supra).
23. On the question as to whether the trial of the
Respondent by this Bench would militate against the principle
of ‘fair trial’, the learned counsel sought support from THE
Crl.O.P.6/12 23
( PLD 1955 FC 185 ), GOVERNMENT OF NWFP v. DR.
( 1985 SCR 91, 322 AT P. 332), AMARANTH CHOWDHURY v.
24. For the purpose of disqualification of a Judge due
to pre-trial observation made by him, reliance was placed upon
two judgments by the Supreme Court of United States;
MURCHISON’S case 349 US 133 (1955) and DANIEL T.
TAYLER III v. JOHN P. HAYES 418 US 488 (1974).
25. The principle of right to ‘fair trial’ has been
acknowledged and recognized by our Courts since long and is
by now well entrenched in our jurisprudence. The right to a
‘fair trial’ undoubtedly means a right to a proper hearing by an
unbiased competent forum. The latter component of a ‘fair
trial’ is based on the age-old maxim “Nemo debet esse judex in
propria sua causa” that “no man can be a judge in his own
cause”. This principle has been further expounded to mean
that a Judge must not hear a case in which he has personal
interest, whether or not his decision is influenced by his
interest, for “justice should not only be done but be seen to have
been done”.
Crl.O.P.6/12 24
26. Starting from the case of THE UNIVERSITY OF
DACCA v. ZAKIR AHMED (ibid) this Court has consistently held
that the principle of natural justice (right of hearing) shall be
read in every statute even if not expressly provided for unless
specifically excluded. The cases cited by the learned counsel
from our own as well as from the Indian jurisdiction have only
reiterated the above well established principle of law. In the
Court has gone to the extent of associating the right to a fair
trial with the fundamental right of access to justice.
27. We agree with the learned counsel for the
Respondent that the inclusion of the principle of right to a ‘fair
trial’ is now a Constitutionally guaranteed fundamental right
and has been raised to a higher pedestal; consequently a law,
or custom or usage having the force of law, which is
inconsistent with the right to a ‘fair trial’ would be void by
virtue of Article 8 of the Constitution. However, the question
here is whether trial of the Respondent for contempt by us
having issued a show cause notice and framed the charge,
would violate the Respondent’s right to a ‘fair trial’ on the
ground that we have already formed a prima facie opinion in
the matter having initiated suo motu action against the
Respondent. While issuing a show cause notice for contempt, a
Judge only forms a tentative opinion, which is subject to the
ultimate outcome at the conclusion of the trial. In this regard
Crl.O.P.6/12 25
one may refer to the lucid pronouncement by the late Hon’ble
Mr. Justice Hamoodur Rahman, the then Chief Justice of
Pakistan, while dealing with a Reference of misconduct against
a Judge of the High Court in THE PRESIDENT v. SHUAKAT ALI
( PLD 1971 SC 585 ). The Respondent Judge had submitted a
statement of his properties and assets to the Supreme Judicial
Council under Article 3 of the Judges (Declaration of Assets)
Order, 1969 and the Council, upon scrutiny of the statement,
submitted a report to the President, who then made a
Reference to the Council to proceed against the Judge for gross
misconduct. One of the objections raised by the Judge was
that the Council as constituted was disqualified from hearing
the Reference, as it had earlier scrutinized the declaration of
the assets of the Respondent and was, therefore, bound to be
biased. The objection was rejected on two grounds; firstly, that
there was no question or allegation of any bias on any
individual member of the Supreme Judicial Council and the
mere fact that the Council had scrutinized the declaration of
assets was not sufficient to establish the likelihood of bias:
“for, if it were so then no Judge who issues a rule in a motion or
issues notice to show cause in any other proceedings or frames
a charge in a trial can ever hear that matter or conduct that
trial. The reason is that a preliminary inquiry intended to
determine whether a prima facie case has been made out or not
is a safeguard against the commencement of wholly
unwarranted final proceedings against a person. To say that a
Crl.O.P.6/12 26
charge should be framed against a person amounts to saying
nothing more than that the person should be tried in respect of
it. Anybody who knows the difference between the prima facie
case and its final trial, would reject the objection as
misconceived.” The second ground for rejecting the objection
was that of necessity, in that if sustained, there would be no
forum or tribunal to hear the Reference, as the Supreme
Judicial Council had the exclusive jurisdiction to hear the
Reference and all its members had at the preliminary stage
scrutinized the statement of declaration of assets of the Judge.
This ground of necessity was reiterated in the case of
(ibid) where this Court, while reaffirming that the principle
that “no one should be a judge in his own cause and justice
should not only be done but should manifestly appear to have
been done, were very salutary and fully entrenched judicial
principles of high standard”, acknowledged that a Judge, when
otherwise disqualified on account of the said principles, may
still sit in the proceedings if in his absence the tribunal or the
Court having exclusive jurisdiction would not be complete.
28. In the case of THE PRESIDENT v. SHUAKAT ALI
(ibid) the Supreme Judicial Council had on its own motion,
after scrutinizing the statement of the respondent Judge, made
a report to the President. The pronouncement by the then
Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman provides a complete answer
to the objection of the learned counsel for the defence. The
Crl.O.P.6/12 27
learned counsel had tried to draw a distinction between the
exercise of contempt jurisdiction by the Court on its own
motion and on the complaint of a party and it was contended
that it is only in the former case that a Judge would stand
disqualified to try a contemnor. This distinction we do not
consider to be material. In both situations a Judge applies his
mind before issuing notice to the respondent and later is to
form a prima facie opinion after preliminary hearing whether
or not to frame a charge and proceed with the trial. If it is held
that a Judge holding a trial after having formed a prima facie
or tentative opinion on merits of a case violates a litigant’s
fundamental right guaranteed under Article 10A, it would lead
to striking down a number of procedural laws and well
established practices, and may land our judicial system into
confusion and chaos; a Judge, who frames a charge in every
criminal case, will stand debarred from holding trial of the
accused; a Judge hearing a bail matter and forming a tentative
opinion of the prosecution case would then be disqualified to
try the accused; a Judge expressing a prima facie opinion
while deciding a prayer for grant of injunction would become
incompetent to try the suit. There may be scores of other such
situations. Be that as it may, in all such situations the cause
is not personal to the Judge and he has no personal interest in
the matter to disqualify him.
29. The exception recognized by the two judgments of
this Court cited above on the ground of necessity to the rule
Crl.O.P.6/12 28
that “no person shall be a judge in his own cause” is also
attracted here. After the show cause notice was issued to the
Respondent, a preliminary hearing was afforded to the
Respondent in terms of Sub-section (3) of Section 17 of the
Contempt of Court Ordinance 2003. Upon conclusion of the
hearing we decided to proceed further and frame a charge
against the Respondent. This order was challenged through an
Intra-Court Appeal filed under section 19 of the Ordinance. It
was heard by an eight-member Bench of this Court, headed by
the Hon’ble Chief Justice. The Appeal was dismissed and the
order by this Bench, forming a prima facie opinion to frame the
charge against the Respondent, was upheld. Like the present,
the Bench hearing the Intra-Court Appeal had also applied its
mind to the existence or otherwise of a prima facie case. If the
argument of the learned counsel is accepted, all the members
of the Bench hearing the Intra-Court Appeal would be equally
disqualified, thus, leaving only one Hon’ble Judge of this Court
unaffected. No Bench could then be constituted to hear the
contempt matter.
30. Out of the many judgments cited by the learned
counsel, in only two, both by the United States Supreme
Court, a Judge was held to be disqualified from trying a
contemnor for his pre-trial conduct. In RE MURCHISON
(supra), a Judge acting as one man Grand Jury, under the
Michigan law, was investigating a crime and during the
interrogation, formed an opinion that a policeman, Murchison,
Crl.O.P.6/12 29
had perjured himself and that another person, by the name of
White, had committed contempt for refusing to answer
questions. Then acting in his judicial capacity he tried
Murchison for contempt in open Court. The matter came up
before the United States Supreme Court and while overturning
the decision of the Michigan State Supreme Court held, by a
majority of 7-3, that on the touchstone of ‘fair trial’ by a fair
tribunal the trial by the Judge was in violation of the principle
that “no man can be a judge in his own cause”. This judgment
turns on its own facts where the same person was the
investigator, the complainant and the Judge and the
information that he acquired during secret investigation was
used by him while sitting in his capacity as a Judge. The
information on which the Judge held the contemnor in
contempt was acquired by him not in his judicial but
administrative capacity while investigating a case. That is why
the Supreme Court observed that the Judge as an investigator
was a material witness and trying the case deprived the
contemnor of cross-examining him on the information that he
had acquired during investigation and had used in the judicial
proceedings. The case has no parallel with the one before us.
RE-MURCHISON (supra) does not in any way lay down the
broad proposition that a Judge, who in that capacity forms a
prima facie opinion in a contempt matter, stands disqualified
to try the contemnor. It was in the peculiar circumstances of
the case that the Supreme Court found that the petitioner was
Crl.O.P.6/12 30
not given a fair trial by a fair tribunal. Even then three
members of the Court dissented, holding that the contempt
proceedings could be protected on the principle that a Judge
can try a person, who commits contempt in the face of the
trial Judge had warned the defence counsel during
proceedings before the jury in a murder case nine times for
courtroom conduct that he was in contempt. After the criminal
case was over, the same Judge sentenced the counsel on nine
counts of contempt and on each count, sentenced separately
to run consecutively, totaling almost four and half years. The
matter came up before the United States Supreme Court and it
was held that on the facts of the case the contempt charge
ought not to have been tried by the Judge; that although there
was no personal attack on the trial Judge but the record
showed that the trial Judge had become embroiled in a
running controversy with the attorney and marked personal
feelings were present on both sides during the trial, and the
critical factor for the recusal being the character of the trial
Judge’s response to the attorney’s misbehaviour during the
trial, not the attorney’s conduct alone. This case again does
not in any way lays down that a Judge who forms a prima facie
opinion in a case of contempt is debarred from trying the
contemnor. The Supreme Court of United States considered
the aversion the Judge had developed during the murder trial
Crl.O.P.6/12 31
against the contemnor that disqualified him to hold his trial
for contempt.
32. In both the above cases what prevailed with the
Supreme Court of the United States to hold that the right to a
fair trial was violated, was the pre-trial conduct and not the
pre-trial observations of the Judge.
33. While incorporating Article 10A in the Constitution
and making the right to a ‘fair trial’ a fundamental right the
legislature did not define or describe the requisites of a ‘fair
trial’. By not defining the term the legislature, perhaps
intended to give it the same meaning as is broadly universally
recognized and embedded in our own jurisprudence. Thus in
order to determine whether the trial of the Respondent by this
Bench violates the condition or the requisite of a fair trial, we
have to fall back on the principles enunciated in this respect.
Neither the learned counsel was able, nor did it come to our
notice, any precedent or juristic opinion, that disqualifies a
Judge, on the touchstone of ‘fair trial’, to try a case of which
he had made a preliminary tentative assessment. We may add
that as regards the members of this Bench, the Respondent as
well as the learned counsel, had expressed full confidence.
Indeed none of us has the remotest personal interest in the
matter. The contempt proceedings arose out of nonimplementation
of the judgment of this Court. The cause is not
of any member of the Bench but of the Court and in a wider
sense of enforcement of the law. The legislature has already, in
Crl.O.P.6/12 32
the Contempt of Court Ordinance 2003, provided a safeguard
against trial by a Judge, who may have personal interest in the
matter. Sub-section (3) of Section 11 of the Ordinance bars a
Judge, who has initiated proceedings for ‘judicial contempt’,
that is scandalizing or personal criticism of the Judge, to try
the contemnor. The Judge is required to send the matter to the
Chief Justice, who may himself hear or refer the case to any
other Judge for hearing.
34. From the foregoing discussion, it follows that a
Judge, making a prima facie assessment of a contempt matter
whether initiated suo motu or on the application of a party,
does not stand disqualified on the touchstone of the
requirements of a ‘fair trial’, from hearing and deciding the
matter. Thus our trial of the Respondent does not infringe
upon the Respondent’s fundamental right to a fair trial
enshrined in Article 10A of the Constitution. The objection on
this account is, therefore, not sustained.
35. The learned counsel then took up the issue of
immunity of the President of Pakistan. He did not invoke the
provisions of Article 248 of the Constitution, 1973, for the
grant of immunity to the President of Pakistan and clarified
that such immunity can be invoked by the President himself.
His arguments on immunity were based on the Customary
International Law. He pointed out that the present incumbent
of the office of the President of Pakistan was tried for a
criminal offence in a Court in Switzerland, which case now
Crl.O.P.6/12 33
stands closed, yet the writing of the letter as directed could
lead to the reopening of the case and trial of the President.
That being head of the State, the President has absolute and
inviolable immunity before all foreign Courts, so long as he is
in the office, from any civil or criminal matter, for acts,
private as well as official, done before or after taking office.
That after leaving the office, he may become liable to such
proceedings. The learned counsel made reference to the
Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961 and Vienna
Convention on Consular Relations, 1963, both of which have
been made part of the law of Pakistan by the Diplomatic and
Consular Privileges Act, 1972 (IX of 1972). Of relevance for
the present case is the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations, 1961, where although no express provision has
been made for grant of immunity to the Heads of States but it
acknowledges in its Preamble the rules of Customary
International Law and affirms that they shall govern
questions not expressly regulated by the provisions of the
Convention. The learned counsel then referred to the
Memorandum by the Secretariat of the United Nation General
Assembly approved in the 60th Session of the International
Law Commission, Geneva in the year 2008 titled “Immunity
of State Officials from Foreign Criminal Jurisdiction” from
which a number of cases and opinions were cited to show
that International as well as domestic Courts have all along
recognized that immunity in civil as well as criminal matters
Crl.O.P.6/12 34
are to be extended to Heads of States. Reference in particular
was made to the cases decided by the International Court of
2002 General List No. 121/ ICJ Reports 2002 p.3 ) known
as Arrest Warrant case, DJIBOUTI v. FRANCE (ICJ Reports
2008 p.177), QADDAFI v. FRANCE
( International Law Reports, Vol. 125, pp.508-510 ), and
decision of the House of Lords in REGINA v. BOW STREET
PARTE PINOCHET UGARTE (NO.30) (House of Lords [2000] 1
A.C. 147). In view of the immunity, internationally
recognized, granted to the Heads of States while in office, the
learned counsel maintained that the directions in Paragraph
PAKISTAN ( PLD 2010 SC 265 ), can and will be
implemented, but only when the tenure of the present
incumbent of the office to the President expires. The case of
( PLD 1981 SC 377 ) was cited to show that this Court had
also recognized and applied Customary International law by
granting immunity to foreign States. With reference to certain
opinions expressed in Paragraphs No. 215 to 219 of the
Memorandum by the Secretariat of the United Nation General
Assembly, referred to above, it was contended that immunity
is to be extended to the Heads of States whether or not
Crl.O.P.6/12 35
36. When the respondent appeared in person in
response to the show cause notice and addressed the Court
briefly, he gave two reasons for not communicating with the
Swiss Authorities for implementation of the direction of this
Court, firstly, that the President of Pakistan enjoys complete
immunity inside and outside Pakistan and, secondly, that he
acted upon the advice tendered to him in the ordinary course
of business. No written reply to the show cause notice was
submitted and the Respondent’s plea and defence in writing
came only in the written statement filed by him at the close of
evidence. In his statement, the Respondent did not confine
his defence to acting upon the advice tendered to him but
took a categorical stand that the judgment of this Court
cannot be implemented so long as Mr. Asif Ali Zardari
remains the President of Pakistan. This plea of the
Respondent is evident from Paragraphs No. 5, 46 and 79 of
the written statement. The relevant parts of those Paragraphs
are reproduced:-
“5. I may also respectfully point out that this
Hon’ble Bench needs first to hear detailed
arguments on my behalf why Para. 178 of
the judgment in the NRO case is not
implementable at present only, for the
period Mr. Asif Ali Zardari is the incumbent
President of Pakistan…..”
46. I believe that this is indeed the correct
position in law and fact. As long as a person
is Head of a Sovereign State he has immunity
in both criminal as well as civil jurisdiction of
Crl.O.P.6/12 36
all other states under international law. I
believe this immunity to be absolute and
inviolable, even though it persists only during
the tenure of office. It thus vests in the office,
not in the person. And it represents the
sovereignty and independence of a country as
well as its sovereign equality with all other
states, howsoever strong and powerful. I
think it wrong to subject the constitutionally
elected incumbent President of Pakistan to the
authority of a Magistrate in a foreign country.
I think this subjection should be avoided.”
79. I therefore, believe that I have committed
no contempt and that is a sufficient answer to
the charge. I also believe that the Sovereign
State of Pakistan cannot, must not and
should not offer its incumbent Head of State,
Symbol of the Federation (Art. 41), the most
prominent component of Parliament (Art. 50),
and the Supreme Commander of its Armed
Forces (Art. 243) for a criminal trial in the
Court of a foreign Magistrate, during the term
of his office.”
37. The above position of the Respondent was, with
vehemence, further urged by the learned counsel when
concluding his arguments: that the Respondent is caught
between implementing the judgment of this Court and
maintaining the dignity and respect due to the office of the
President of Pakistan. Thus, in very clear terms, he declared
that the Respondent will not presently implement this Court’s
direction. Neither in the personal address by the Respondent
before this Court nor in the written statement or in the
Crl.O.P.6/12 37
submissions made on his behalf, slightest indication was
given that the Respondent was ready to obey the Court’s
order as of now.
38. It is not necessary to examine or comment upon
the case law cited by the learned counsel for the Respondent
as the plea taken cannot prevail for a number of reasons. The
ground of immunity under the International Law was
expressly taken up by the Federal Government in grounds
(xii) and (xvi) of the Review Petition (Civil Review Petition No.
129 of 2010 in Civil Petition No. 76 of 2007) in DR.
MUBASHIR HASSAN’S case (ibid), with reference to Paragraph
No. 178 of the judgment. The grounds reproduced in
Paragraph No. 4 of the review judgment reads:-
“(xii) that in para 178 of the detailed
judgment, this Court has erred in ordering the
Federal Government and other concerned
authorities to seek revival of the said
requests, claims and status contrary to the
principles of International Law in foreign
(xvi) that the Court fell in error in not
appreciating the functions of the Attorney
General under Article100 of the Constitution
i.e. it is the office of the said incumbent which
is empowered to act or not to act in terms of
its mandate and the letter written by then
Attorney General for Pakistan to Swiss
authorities to withdraw the prosecution was
well within its mandate. The adverse finding
recorded in this regard offended the principle
of audi alteram partem. The observations
Crl.O.P.6/12 38
made in paras 178 and 456 are in derogation
to Article 4 of the Constitution as well;”
39. The learned counsel appearing on behalf of the
Federal Government in the Review, besides others, assailed
Paragraph No. 178 of the judgment under review. The Full
Court of 17 Judges rejected the arguments in Paragraph No.
14 in the following terms:
“14. The Court in para 178 of the judgment
merely held that the communications
addressed by the then Attorney General were
unauthorized and the Federal Government
was directed to take steps to seek revival of
the request in that context. Neither during the
hearing of the main case, learned counsel for
the Federal Government placed on record any
instructions of the Federation in this context
nor during the hearing of this review petition,
any such material was laid before this Court
which could persuade us to hold that the said
communication by the then Attorney General
was duly authorized to warrant its review.”
40. The arguments regarding immunity under the
International Law having been urged before the Full Court in
review and not accepted, this seven-member Bench is in no
position to examine the plea. Even otherwise, we are not
sitting in review and, therefore, cannot go beyond what has
been held therein.
41. When confronted with the above situation, the
learned counsel submitted that he does not seek review of
Crl.O.P.6/12 39
either Paragraph No. 178 or the decision in the review
judgment but only prays for postponement of the
implementation till the tenure of the present incumbent of the
office of the President comes to an end. This contention, if
accepted, would delay the implementation until, at least, the
fall of 2013, when the present tenure of the President expires,
and would amount to modification of the direction given in
the main as well as in the review judgment in DR. MOBASHIR
HASSAN’s case (ibid). Paragraph No. 178 concludes with
direction to the Federal Government and other concerned
authorities “to take immediate steps to seek revival of the
said request, claims and the status”. Similarly, the short order
of 25.11.2011 dismissing the review petition carries similar
direction that “the concerned authorities are hereby directed to
comply with the judgment dated 16.12.2009 in letter and sprit
without any further delay.” Acceptance of the Respondent’s
plea to delay the implementation of the direction of this Court
would tantamount to review of the clear orders passed in both
the judgments that the implementation is to be carried out
immediately and without delay. This Bench has no power to
modify the judgments and delay implementation.
42. Additionally, we have noted that the criminal
cases before the Swiss Courts were initiated by the Swiss
Authorities and not by the Government of Pakistan, which
later applied to be made civil party claiming that the amount,
if any, found to be laundered, be returned to Pakistan, being
Crl.O.P.6/12 40
its rightful claimant. This position was not disputed by the
learned counsel. In Paragraph No. 178, the Court had merely
directed that the communication earlier made by the former
Attorney-General, Malik Muhammad Qayyum, for withdrawal
of the claim be withdrawn so that the civil claim of the
Federal Government is revived. The consequences of the
withdrawal of Malik Muhammad Qayyum’s communication
can only be examined and adjudged by the investigators or
courts in Switzerland, particularly, in view of the controversy
raised on behalf of the Respondent that the cases were closed
on merits, though we have noted that the documents speak
43. Since complete facts of the case in Switzerland are
not before us, we are in no position to form a definite opinion
about its status when the claim was withdrawn nor indeed
are we competent to give our own findings on the case, even
for the limited purpose of determining the question of
immunity. It is the authorities or the courts in that country
alone which can, in the light of the facts before it, examine
the question of immunity. The immunity can, thus, be
invoked before the relevant authorities in Switzerland and,
going by the arguments of the learned counsel, if the same is
indeed available, it may be granted to the President of
Pakistan without invocation.
44. Finally, besides Mr. Asif Ali Zardari there are
others who were also accused in the criminal case in
Crl.O.P.6/12 41
Switzerland. This has been impliedly admitted in the written
submissions filed on behalf of the Respondent. By Reference
to Ex.D1/3 and D2/2, mentioned in the Summary prepared
for the Prime Minister, it is stated that presently, Mr. Asif Ali
Zardari is the only Pakistani surviving accused in the case,
thereby admitting the indictment of non-Pakistani accused.
However there is express reference to other accused in the
letter of Malik Muhammad Qayyum, withdrawing the claim
stating that the “Republic of Pakistan ……. withdraws in
capacity of civil party not only against Mr. Asif Ali Zardari but
also against Mr. Jens Schlegelmich and any other third
party concerned by these proceedings”. As the claim of the
Government of Pakistan was to retrieve the laundered money
and commissions, whether paid to Pakistani, Swiss or other
foreign nationals, the defence of immunity, even if available to
the present President of Pakistan, cannot be pleaded for the
foreign national accused in the case. To their extent too the
Respondent is reluctant to revive the claim of the Government
of Pakistan for no understandable reasons.
45. An ancillary objection was raised by the learned
counsel to the competence of the Supreme Court to
implement its own judgments in view of clause (2) of Article
187 of the Constitution. The Article reads;
187(1) [Subject to clause (2) of Article
175, the] Supreme Court shall have power to
issue such directions, orders or decrees as
may be necessary for doing complete justice
Crl.O.P.6/12 42
in any case or matter pending before it,
including an order for the purpose of securing
the attendance of any person or the discovery
or production of any document.
(2) Any such direction, order or decree
shall be enforceable throughout Pakistan and
shall, where it is to be executed in a Province,
or a territory or an area not forming part of a
Province but within the jurisdiction of the High
Court of the Province, be executed as if it had
been issued by the High Court of that
(3) If a question arises as to which High
Court shall give effect to a direction, order or
decree of the Supreme Court, the decision of
the Supreme Court on the question shall be
The learned counsel submitted that since implementation of
the judgment falls within territorial jurisdiction of the
Islamabad High Court, that Court alone was empowered to
implement this Court’s orders or directions. We, however,
understand that the said provision does not, in any manner,
ousts this Court’s power to enforce its decisions, particularly
in view of its wide powers under Article 190 of the
Constitution and under Article 204 to punish any person for
disobeying the orders of the Court. Further, clause (1) of
Article 187 of the Constitution only mandates that when the
orders of the Supreme Court are to be enforced within a
Province they shall be executed as if issued by the High Court
of that Province; not that the execution is to be carried out by
the High Court. We may add that this contention was not
Crl.O.P.6/12 43
seriously urged and even otherwise we have found it
46. Before taking up the arguments of the learned
defence counsel on the factual aspects of the case, we may
note here that Moulvi Anwar-ul-Haq, Attorney-General for
Pakistan, who acted as the prosecutor on our orders and
remained associated with this case almost till the end, was
replaced by Mr. Irfan Qadir, during the submissions by the
learned defence counsel. The Attorney-General under Article
100 of the Constitution is appointed by the President on the
advice of the Prime Minister. We found it intriguing that the
Respondent exercising his such powers changed the officer of
the Court prosecuting him. The learned Attorney-General did
not put forth arguments in favour of the prosecution rather
pleaded that there was no evidence, whatsoever, on the basis
of which the Respondent could be held guilty of contempt. We
were, thus, rendered one sided assistance only.
47. The learned Attorney-General in his arguments
quoted some Paragraphs from “Guidelines on the Role of
Prosecutors, Adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on
the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders,
Havana, Cuba, 27 August to September 1990” to explain his
role as a prosecutor that he need not support the prosecution
and was entitled to make independent assessment of the case
and assist the Court in accordance with law and his
conscience. However, all his arguments were in support of the
Crl.O.P.6/12 44
defence and none whatsoever to support the charge against
the Respondent. The learned Attorney-General began by
submitting that there was no law of contempt in force in the
country, in that, the Contempt of Court Ordinance 2003
having lapsed by efflux of time under Article 89 stood
repealed under Article 264 of the Constitution and that
Article 270AA did not protect the said Ordinance. This
question squarely came before this Court in Suo Motu Case
No.1 of 2007 (PLD 2007 SC 688) where it was held that the
Contempt of Court Ordinance (V of 2003) holds the field. This
judgment had been affirmed by this Court in JUSTICE
2011 SC 680 ). It was pointed out to the learned Attorney-
General that even if there was no sub-constitutional
legislation regulating proceedings of Contempt of Court, this
Court was possessed of constitutional power under Article
204 to punish contemnors, with no restrictions on the
exercise of power including that regarding quantum of
punishment that can be imposed on the contemnor. The
learned Attorney-General went on to criticize parts of the
judgment in “DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case (ibid). We,
however, told him that the said judgment has been upheld by
the Full Court in review and we cannot reopen the questions
already decided. Concluding his arguments, he submitted,
without elaborating, that the evidence on record does not
establish the charge of contempt against the Respondent.
Crl.O.P.6/12 45
48. Coming to the facts of the case, the learned
defence counsel contended that until the Review Petition of
the Federal Government was dismissed on 25.11.2011 there
had been no directions by the Court specifically to the
Respondent. That when the matter of implementation was
taken up after the dismissal of the review petition on
25.11.2011, the Court on 03.01.2012 only enquired of the
Attorney-General for Pakistan as to whether the Summary
was prepared and placed before the Prime Minister in view of
the directions given earlier, but again no direction was given
to the Respondent. As regards the order of 10.01.2012,
wherein the Court specifically mentioned the Prime Minister,
the learned counsel submitted that the same was never
communicated to the Respondent. That the statement of the
Attorney-General before the Court on 16.01.2012 that he
communicated the order of 10.01.2012 to the Prime Minister
is not evidence of the fact of such communication without the
Attorney-General testifying on oath to that effect. Reliance
was placed on G.S. GIDEON v. THE STATE ( PLD 1963 SC 1 ).
It was contended that the only order specifically and
particularly addressed and communicated to the Respondent
was the one passed on 16.01.2012, requiring him to appear
before the Court. It was thus maintained that prior to the
issuance of show cause notice to the Respondent on
16.01.2012 no other order with direction directly to the
Respondent was brought to his notice. The learned counsel
Crl.O.P.6/12 46
made reference to Paragraphs No. 74(i) and 74(v) of the
written statement filed by the Respondent.
49. The learned counsel took us through various
interim orders in order to show that at the early stages of the
implementation process, directions were given to the officials
of the Ministry of Law and the National Accountability Bureau
(NAB) but never specifically to the Respondent (the Prime
Minister of Pakistan) and that too to prepare proper
summaries for consideration of the Respondent. That the first
Summary was returned by the office of the Prime Minister, as
it did not give any clear opinion and on the second Summary
the Prime Minister directed that the Supreme Court be
informed that in view of the immunity to the President, its
orders cannot be implemented. Referring to the Rules of
Business, 1973, and the statement of Ms. Nargis Sethi (DW-1)
the then Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, the
learned counsel contended that the Prime Minister was not to
be blamed for the Summaries if not prepared in conformity
with the directions of this Court. That it was the task of the
then Law Secretary and the Attorney-General for Pakistan to
prepare a proper summary and the contempt, if any, was
committed by them and not the Respondent. In support of his
contentions that the Respondent cannot be held personally
responsible for any wrong advice tendered to him in the
ordinary course of business, the learned counsel relied upon
Crl.O.P.6/12 47
judgment of the Supreme Court of India in Civil Appeal No.
1193 of 2012, decided on 31.01.2012.
50. The learned counsel finally submitted that since
the contempt proceedings are criminal in nature, entailing
punishment, mens rea of the Respondent is to be established
and it must be proved that his conduct was contumacious.
That it would not be so if his decision is justifiable on
subjective assessment of the information placed before him.
That knowledge of the Respondent of the orders of this Court
cannot be presumed and must be proved. For the purpose of
standard and burden of proof in contempt matters and
whether the conduct of the Respondent was contumacious,
the learned counsel provided us with a long list of cases,
51. Regarding lack of knowledge of the Respondent
about directions given by this Court from time to time the
arguments advanced by the learned counsel that he was not
Crl.O.P.6/12 48
informed of any such direction given until 16.01.2012, loses
significance in the light of the categorical stand taken by the
Respondent when he appeared before this Court after issuance
of the show cause notice, as well as in his written statement,
that he is not for the time being willing and ready to carry out
the order of this Court. This by itself establishes his
disobedience. Nevertheless we would proceed to examine his
plea of acting on advice and that the orders for the
implementation were not specifically directed towards him.
52. The defence examined Ms. Nargis Sethi (DW-1), the
then Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister during the
relevant period. She produced two Summaries prepared for the
Prime Minister, dated 21.05.2010 (Ex.D1) and dated
21.09.2010 (Ex. D2) along with all the appended documents
relating to the implementation of the directions given in DR.
MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case (ibid). In the Summary of
21.05.2010, moved by the Ministry of Law, Justice &
Parliamentary Affairs. The following proposals were placed
before the Prime Minister for his approval:
“6. In view of above, the Hon’ble Prime
Minister is requested to:
(a) approve the Interim Report
(Annex-A) and the stance taken by the
then Law Secretary and submitted to
the Hon’ble Supreme Court in the form
of points (Annex-B)
(b) approve the opinion of the former
Attorney General at paras 9 and 10 of
Crl.O.P.6/12 49
(c) any other ground which may be
necessary to be taken in the court; and
(d) any other instructions the Hon’ble
Prime Minister may like to give in this
7. This Summary has the approval of
Minister of Law, Justice and
Parliamentary Affairs.”
53. On 24.05.2010 the following approval was given by
the Prime Minister (Ex.D1/2)
“7. The Prime Minister has observed that
Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary
Affairs has not given any specific views in the
matter, as per Rules of Business, 1973.
However, under the circumstances, the
Prime Minister has been pleased to direct
that the Law Ministry may continue with
the stance already taken in this case.”
54. The stance referred to in the above approval taken
by the Ministry of Law in Annex-B to the Summary (Ex.D1/3),
about the present issue is mentioned in Paragraphs No. 1 & 2,
reproduced as under:
“1. In connection with the question of
revival of the proceedings which were
pending before the Swiss Authorities it has to
be respectfully brought to the kind notice of
this Hon’ble Court that the proceedings
pending in Switzerland against, Shaheed
Benazir Bhutto, Mr. Asif Ali Zardari, (now
President of Pakistan) and Begum Nusrat
Bhutto etc. already stand disposed of, not
Crl.O.P.6/12 50
only because Malik Muhammad Qayyum the
Ex-Attorney General for Pakistan had applied
for the withdrawal of the application for
mutual assistance and for becoming civil
party but the same had been closed on
merits by the Prosecutor General, Geneva
vide his order dated 25.08.2008.
2. It may be respectfully submitted further
that the evidence had been recorded in the
case and the investigation proceedings were
closed by the Prosecutor General Switzerland
mainly on account of the evidence recorded
by the Swiss authorities. In this view of the
matter, it is submitted that no case
whatsoever is pending which can be
legally revived. This submission is inline
with the legal opinion recorded by Mr. Anwar
Mansoor Khan, former Attorney General for
Pakistan under Article 100(3) of the
Constitution, who after perusal of NAB record
including copies of the orders passed by the
Swiss authorities opined that the case in
Switzerland stood disposed of on merits and
cannot be revived.”
55. The above Paragraphs mention the name of Mr.
Asif Ali Zardari (now the President of Pakistan) and the stance
taken is based on the order of the Prosecutor-General, Geneva,
dated 25.08.2008 and the opinion of the then Attorney-
General for Pakistan, Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan, that the case
in Switzerland had been closed on merits and therefore cannot
be revived. Since it was time and again stressed that the case
in Switzerland was closed on merits we need to take a look at
Crl.O.P.6/12 51
the order of the Prosecutor General, Geneva, and the opinion
of Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan. The former order is reproduced
in the second Summary of the Ministry of Law (Ex.D2) at page
“10. As regards Asif Ali Zardari, the Public
Prosecutor of Pakistan, after having
initially involved Asif Ali Zardari, dropped all
charges against him as well as against Jens
Schlegelmilch, it being noted that the sentence
pronounced in 1999 in Pakistan was revoked
in 2001, that no new trial has been held in
Pakistan since then that is since nearly 7
Besides this, the Public Prosecutor
believed today that the proceedings have
been initiated against Benazir Bhutto and her
husband for political reasons.
Furthermore, Pakistan explains
withdrawal of proceedings highlighting that
the procedure of allocation of contract to SGS
/CONTECNA was not marred by
irregularities, admitting hence that it believes
that no act of corruption was committed.
Finally, the testimonies collected from
the files and reported above show no
conclusive evidence that would allow
invalidating the final observation made on the
basis of the file by the Public Prosecutor of
Therefore, the proceedings, stand closed.”
56. Reference to Public Prosecutor in the above order is
to the then Attorney-General for Pakistan (Malik Muhammad
Crl.O.P.6/12 52
Qayyum) and the order has been passed in response to his
communication. The reasons broadly for closing the case are
on account of the opinion expressed by Malik Muhammad
Qayyum, that the proceedings were initiated for political
reasons; that neither there were irregularities in the allocation
of the contract SGS/CONTECNA, nor any corruption
committed. Giving due weight to these observations, the
Prosecutor General, Geneva closed the case. We, therefore,
entertain serious doubts regarding the claim that the case in
Switzerland was closed on merits. Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan,
in his opinion dated 25.03.2010, also referred to the order of
the Prosecutor-General, Geneva that the case has been closed
on merits, but pointedly mentioned the judgment of this Court
in DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case (ibid) in the concluding Para
“12. Notwithstanding the above, there is a
judgment of the Hon’ble Supreme Court of
Pakistan dated 16.12.2009 in DR.
PAKISTAN (PLD 2010 SC 1) on the issue. It is
therefore opined that the Federal Government
may decide the issue keeping in view the fact
and the judgment”
57. In other words the then Attorney-General for
Pakistan had opined that notwithstanding the closure of the
case on merits, the judgment of DR.MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case
(ibid) is still in the field. Though he did not put it plainly but
what he meant was that it had to be enforced.
Crl.O.P.6/12 53
58. The Summary referred to Rule 5(1) and (2) of the
Rules of Business and emphasized that “it is the Chief
Executive of the country who has the authority to approve or
disapprove the view of the Minister.” The said Rule states:
“(1) No important policy decision shall be
taken except with the approval of the Prime
(2) It shall be the duty of a Minister to
assist the Prime Minister in the formulation of
59. Reference was further made to Article 90 of the
Constitution, clause (2) of which reads:
“In the performance of his functions under the
Constitution, the Prime Minister may act
either directly or through the Federal
60. The final decision in the matter was to be taken by
the Prime Minister, being the Chief Executive of the
Federation. This position was not disputed even by the
learned counsel for the Respondent. All the relevant
documents, including the opinion of the then Attorney-
General for Pakistan, with particular reference to DR.
MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case (ibid), along with the up to date
interim orders of this Court, relating to implementation, were
appended with the Summary. Out of the four proposals in the
Summary, the last was for the Prime Minister to give any
other instruction in that regard. This was not a Summary for
the Prime Minister relating to a routine business of the
Crl.O.P.6/12 54
Government. It involved implementation of the judgment of
this Court in a well publicized case of immense public
importance in which the Federal Government was not only
represented but had filed also a review petition. Above all it
also involved the serving President of the country, whose
name specifically appeared in Annex-B (Ex.D 1/3) of the
Summary. Since the Respondent had selected one of the four
proposals in the Summary, we have reasons to believe that he
had applied his mind to the case and consciously approved
the proposal given in Paragraph No. 6 (a), that the Law
Minister shall continue with the stance already taken in the
case, which was to the effect that the case cannot be revived
as the same has been closed on merits. The decision thus
taken in the first Summary by the Respondent was not to
implement this Court’s direction.
61. By the time the second Summary was placed
before the Prime Minister on 21.09.2010. Mr. Justice (Retd.)
Mohammad Aqil Mirza had resigned as Secretary Law and so
had Mr. Anwar Mansoor Khan quit the office of the Attorney-
General. The second Summary was prepared and placed by
the new Law Secretary, Mr. Muhammad Masood Chishti.
With this Summary, besides the documents appended with
the first Summary, additional documents with fresh interim
orders of the Court relating to the reopening of the Swiss
cases were also appended. In Paragraph No. 17(A) of this
Summary, besides the stand taken in the first Summary that
Crl.O.P.6/12 55
the investigation in the case already stood closed another
reason for non-implementation of the judgment was taken,
namely, that “the Federal Government is bound to act under
the law and the Constitution and present incumbent being
the elected President of Pakistan cannot be offered for
investigation or prosecution etc. to an alien land as it militate
against the sovereignty of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan.”. It may be noted that in neither of the Summaries
or the opinions forming part of the Summaries any reference
was made to the immunity of the President under Article 248
of the Constitution or under the Customary International
Law. According to Ex.D 2/2, the Principal Secretary to the
Prime Minister, Ms. Nargis Sethi, on 23.09.2010, made the
following note on the Summary:
“20. The Prime Minister has approved the
proposal at para 17(A) of the Summary, which
has also been endorsed by the Law Minister
vide para 19, thereof.
21. The Secretary, Law, Justice and
Parliamentary Affairs, as well as, the
Attorney General for Pakistan may
appropriately explain the position to the
Honourable Supreme Court of Pakistan.”
62. In her statement before this Court, Ms. Nargis
Sethi (DW-1) had tried to explain that Paragraph No.21
reflects the decision of the Prime Minister. This, however, is
not reflected from the Summary, as the Prime Minister had
only approved the proposal at Paragraph No.17(A) of the
Crl.O.P.6/12 56
Summary, and it appears that Paragraph No.21 were the
instructions coming from the Principal Secretary. Even if
these were the instructions of the Respondent, the same were
never communicated to the Court. In any case it only restates
his consistent position of non-implementation.
63. The implementation proceedings can be
conveniently divided into two stages. The first is up to the
date when the Full Court suspended the implementation
proceedings, and the second, after the dismissal of the Review
Petition. The defence of the Respondent on merits in the main
is that in the pre-review period the Court had not given
direction specifically to the Respondent and orders passed in
the post-review stage the only one communicated to him was
of 16.01.2012, calling upon the Respondent to show cause.
These pleas would have had some relevance if the Respondent
upon appearance in the Court in response to the show cause
notice had expressed his willingness and readiness to comply
with the Court’s directions. Instead he took a stand that he
would not implement the directions as he believed that the
same were not implementable. This stand of the Respondent
continued right up to the conclusion of the trial. Many a time,
during the hearing of these proceedings, the learned counsel
for the Respondent was asked whether the Respondent would
even now agree to write to the Swiss Authorities. The only
response we received was that the letter cannot be written so
long as Mr. Asif Ali Zardari remains the President of Pakistan.
Crl.O.P.6/12 57
The Respondent’s stand amounts to saying that the order of
this Court is non-implementable, as he believes that the same
is not in accord with the Constitution of Pakistan and the
International law. This argument, if accepted, would set a
dangerous precedent and anyone would then successfully
flout the orders of the Courts by pleading that according to
his interpretation they are not in accord with the law. A
judgment debtor would then be allowed to plead before the
executing Court that the decree against him was inconsistent
with the established law. No finality would then be attached
to the judgments and orders of the Courts, even those by the
apex Court of the Country. One may refer to the oft quoted
aphorism of Robert Houghwout Jackson, J. about finality of
the judgments of the Supreme Court of United States, “……
there is no doubt that if there were a super Supreme Court, a
substantial proportion of our reversals of the State Courts
would be reversed. We are not final because we are
infallible, but we are infallible because we are final.
The executive authority may question a Court’s decision
through the judicial process provided for in the Constitution
and the law but is not entitled to flout it because it believes it
to be inconsistent with the law or the Constitution.
Interpretation of the law is the exclusive domain of the
64. The learned counsel for the Respondent referred to
the order of this Court dated 01.04.2010 by a Bench headed
Crl.O.P.6/12 58
by the Hon’ble Chief Justice that the matter of reopening of
Swiss cases was to be dealt with according to the Rules of
Business 1973, keeping in view the relations between the two
sovereign States and that the Federal Government had
followed the Court’s order by adopting the procedure laid
down in the Rules of Business by preparing summaries for
the approval of the Prime Minister. The Court undoubtedly,
and quite rightly, stated that the Rules be followed for the
purpose of implementation of the Court’s direction but
unfortunately the Rules were used for its nonimplementation.
In this context, the learned counsel placed
heavy reliance on the judgment of the Supreme Court of India
Civil Appeal No. 1193 of 2012, decided on 31.01.2012. To
appreciate the decision, some relevant facts of the case need
to be stated. Dr. Subramanian Swamy was a private citizen
and sought to prosecute for graft the Minister for
Communication and Information Technology, Mr. A. Raja
(Respondent No.2), alleging that on account of irregularities
committed in the allotment of new licenses in 2G mobile
services to two companies, Novice Telecom, viz. Swan Telecom
and Unitech, in violation of the guidelines for the purpose; a
loss of Rs.50,000/- crores was caused to the Government; for
this purpose he submitted a representation to Respondent
No.1, Dr. Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of India, who
directed the concerned officers to examine and apprise him of
Crl.O.P.6/12 59
the facts of the case. The representation was placed before a
Committee, headed by Respondent No.2, the Minister
concerned. Since no action was taken thereafter on the
representation, the appellant filed an appeal before the
Supreme Court of India for prosecution of the Minister; one of
the questions that came before the Supreme Court was the
inaction of the Prime Minister on the representation of the
appellant and the Court held that “In our view, the officers in
the PMO and the Ministry of Law and Justice, were duty bound
to apprise respondent No.1 about seriousness of allegations
made by the appellant and the judgments of this Court
including the directions contained in paragraph 58(I) of the
judgment in Vineet Narain’s case as also the guidelines framed
by the CVC so as to enable him to take appropriate decision in
the matter. By the very nature of the office held by him,
respondent No.1 is not expected to personally look into
the minute details of each and every case placed before
him and has to depend on his advisers and other
officers. Unfortunately, those who were expected to give
proper advice to respondent No.1 and place full facts and legal
position before him failed to do so. We have no doubt that if
respondent No.1 had been apprised of the true factual and
legal position regarding the representation made by the
appellant, he would have surely taken appropriate decision
and would not have allowed the matter to linger for a period of
more than one year.” The Court emphasized two points.
Crl.O.P.6/12 60
Firstly, that the officers in the PMO and the Ministry of Law
and Justice were under a duty to apprise the Prime Minister
about the seriousness of the allegation and that the Prime
Minister was not expected to look into minute details of each
and every case placed before him and has to depend upon his
officers and advisors. The Court further observed that had the
Prime Minister been properly apprised of the true and legal
position, he would have taken an appropriate decision. The
situation in the case before us is totally different from DR.
MANMOHAN SINGH’s case (ibid). Here the case did not involve
any intricate or minute details which required resolution. It
was a straightforward case for implementation of the
judgment of this Court on which there could have been no
two views. Even if there was any, the Respondent never
approached the Court for clarification. It was not a matter
where the Respondent was left with any discretion. He was
supposed to give a formal approval or direction to implement
the decision of the Court. As it turned out during the current
proceedings, the Prime Minister had never intended to comply
with the orders of this Court regardless of any advice. He
cannot shift the blame or the responsibility to his advisors for
not giving him proper advice. The Respondent has taken a
conscious decision in that and he must accept responsibility
for the same. Even the case of MIAN MUHAMMAD NAWAZ
SHARIF v. THE STATE (ibid) does not further the case as there
Nawaz Sharif had to take a decision one way or the other on
Crl.O.P.6/12 61
the advice that was tendered to him. The Respondent had no
option but to order the implementation of this Court’s
direction, particularly after the review of the Federal
Government was dismissed.
65. After the review petition filed by the Federal
Government was dismissed on 25.11.2011 with a clear
direction that the judgment in DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case
(ibid) shall be implemented without any further delay, the
matter of implementation proceedings were revived. On
10.1.2012 (Ex.P.22) a detailed order was passed directly
putting the Respondent on notice to implement the orders lest
the proceedings for contempt of Court be initiated. The
learned Attorney-General on the following date on 16.01.2012
(Ex.P.23) informed the Court that the said order was duly
communicated to the President of Pakistan and the Prime
Minister of Pakistan but that he had not received any
instruction. The learned counsel for the Respondent
submitted that the value of such statement by the Attorney-
General is only evidence that statement was made but not of
its contents unless the Attorney-General testifies on oath to
the correctness of the statement. We are afraid we cannot
accept this argument as the Attorney-General for Pakistan is
the principal law officer of the Federation and the statements
made by him before the Court are official communications
and shall, thus, be presumed to be correct, unless validly
contradicted. Although the Respondent, in Paragraph No.
Crl.O.P.6/12 62
74(i) and (v) of his written statement, has stated that he was
not made aware of the orders of the Court after September
23, 2010, until January 2012, more specifically 16.01.2012,
there is, however, no specific denial with regard to the
Attorney-General’s statement made before the Court on
16.01.2012. We may mention that when the learned counsel
for the Respondent during submissions stated that the
Respondent was not aware of the orders of the Court, the
then Attorney-General, Moulvi Anwar-ul-Haq intervened that
he had conveyed all the relevant orders to the Prime Minister.
Perhaps, that may have been the reason that before
arguments could be addressed by the Attorney-General, he
was replaced. We have no doubt that the Respondent was
made aware of the order of 16.01.2012. Be that as it may, on
his appearance in response to the show cause notice, he still
expressed his unwillingness to obey the Court’s orders.
66. Coming to the evidence in support of the charge,
the Attorney-General for Pakistan, acting as prosecutor,
tendered in evidence attested copies of the two judgments in
DR. MOBASHIR HASSAN’s case (ibid) and the orders of this
Court for the implementation of Paragraph No. 178 of the
original judgment. The learned counsel for the Respondent
did not raise any objection when these documents were
tendered in evidence under Article 88 of the Qanun-e-
Shahadat Order, 1984. The only defence witness, Ms. Nargis
Sethi, the then Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister,
Crl.O.P.6/12 63
mainly referred to the schedule of the Prime Minister, with a
view to persuade the Court that the Respondent’s busy
schedule does not allow him to examine in detail the
summaries placed before him. We have already observed that
this was not a routine Summary and that as a matter of fact,
the Prime Minister did apply his mind as, not once but twice,
he consciously decided against the implementation. The
witness further stated that when the Summary is returned,
the Minister concerned is obliged to inform the Prime Minister
of further development. We have, however, already held that
the option exercised by the Prime Minister in the first
Summary amounted to non-implementation of the judgment;
the observation of the Prime Minister that the Law Ministry
had not given any definite opinion is inconsistent with his
direction to the Ministry to continue with its stand, which
amounts to saying that the judgment being not
implementable shall not be implemented.
67. The learned counsel for the Respondent submitted
that the prosecution had failed to establish the mens rea of
the Respondent. The Respondent had been charged for
“willful” disobedience. The mens rea required for such charge,
is the willfulness of the Respondent. This is amply
demonstrated by the conduct of the Respondent, who being
aware of the direction of this Court, at least, from the time the
first Summary was presented to him and being Chief
Executive of the Federation was the ultimate authority to
Crl.O.P.6/12 64
formally carry out the orders of the Court, which he
persistently declined. His clear direction in the second
Summary presented to him, as discussed above, and his
categorical stand before us upon commencement of the
contempt proceedings when the Respondent appeared in
response to the show cause notice establishes beyond
reasonable doubt that the Respondent willfully flouted, and
continues to flout, the orders of this Court. As regards the
second ingredient of the charge, Rules 5(1) and (2) of the Rule
of Business and Article 90 of the Constitution, which were
mentioned in the first Summary, the Respondent had the
final authority in the matter. This, as observed above, was
also not disputed by the learned counsel for the Respondent.
It is now admitted, and is proved on record, that it was the
Respondent who took the ultimate decision. With authority
comes the duty to exercise it whenever required by a lawful
order. The Respondent failed to obey a lawful order, which he
was constitutionally bound to obey.
68. After finding the factual allegations against the
accused to have been established beyond reasonable doubt,
we now advert to some legal aspects regarding his guilt and
punishment. We note in this context that key words used in
the Charge were “willfully flouted”, “disregarded” and
“disobeyed” which find a specific mention not only in Section
2(a) of the Contempt of Court Ordinance (V of 2003) defining
“civil contempt” but also in Section 3 of the said Ordinance
Crl.O.P.6/12 65
defining “Contempt of Court”. The said Ordinance V of 2003
derives its authority from Article 204(3) of the Constitution,
Article 204(2) of the Constitution itself empowers this Court
to punish a person for committing “Contempt of Court” and
the above mentioned words used in the Charge framed
against the accused also stand sufficiently covered by the
provisions of Article 204(2) of the Constitution. It is pertinent
to mention here that Section 221, Cr.P.C. dealing with Charge
and its forms clarifies that a Charge is to state the offence
and if the offence with which an accused is charged is given a
specific name by the relevant law then the offence may be
described in the Charge “by that name only”. According to
Section 221, Cr.P.C. “If the law which creates the offence does
not give it any specific name, so much of the definition of the
offence must be stated as to give the accused notice of the
matter with which he is charged”. It is further provided in
Section 221, Cr.P.C. that “The law and section of the law
against which the offence is said to have been committed shall
be mentioned in the charge”. In the case in hand not only the
name of the offence, i.e. contempt of court had been specified
in the Charge framed against the accused but even the
relevant Constitutional and legal provisions defining contempt
of court had been mentioned in the Charge framed. According
to Section 221(5), Cr.P.C. the fact that the Charge is made in
the terms noted above “is equivalent to a statement that every
Crl.O.P.6/12 66
legal condition required by law to constitute the offence
charged was fulfilled in the particular case”.
69. We further note that even if a Charge framed
against an accused for committing contempt of court is
established before a court still for finding him guilty or for
punishing him, even after establishing of his culpability, the
provisions of Section 18 of the Contempt of Court Ordinance
(V of 2003) require the following satisfactions to be recorded
by the Court:
“18. Substantial detriment.- (1) No
person shall be found guilty of contempt of
court, or punished accordingly, unless the
court is satisfied that the contempt is one
which is substantially detrimental to the
administration of justice or scandalizes
the court or otherwise tends to bring the court
or Judge of the court into hatred or ridicule.
(2) In the event of a person being found not
guilty of contempt by reason of sub-section (1)
the court may pass an order deprecating the
conduct, or actions, of the person accused of
having committed contempt.”
70. These provisions of the Contempt of Court
Ordinance clearly show that despite his culpability having
been established, a Court seized of a matter of contempt is
not to hold the offender guilty or punish him for every trivial
contempt committed and it is only a grave contempt having
the effects mentioned in Section 18(1) that may be visited
with a finding of guilt or punishment. It is important to note
Crl.O.P.6/12 67
in this context that the satisfaction of the Court mentioned in
section 18(1) regarding gravity of the contempt is to be
adverted to by it after commission of the contempt is duly
established and such satisfaction of the Court is neither an
ingredient of the offence nor a fact to be proved through
evidence. In our considered opinion such satisfaction is
purely that of the Court concerned keeping in view the nature
of the contempt found to have been committed, its potential
regarding detrimental effect upon administration of justice or
scandalizing the Court and its tendency to bring the Court or
the Judge into hatred or ridicule. At such stage the contempt
of Court attributed to the offender already stands established
and assessment of the tendency of the contempt to possibly
create the above mentioned detrimental effects is thereafter to
be undertaken by the Court for its own satisfaction in order
to decide whether to convict or punish the offender or not and
such satisfaction based upon judicially assessed possible
effects is not to be based upon proofs or evidence to be
produced during the trial. However, if the Court is not
satisfied about the above mentioned detrimental effects then
despite the contempt having been established and proved, it
may not convict or punish the offender and may resort to
merely deprecating the conduct or actions of the accused in
terms of Section 18(2) of the Ordinance. We may also add that
the satisfactions of the Court contemplated by Section 18(1)
of the Ordinance are the minimum thresholds to be crossed
Crl.O.P.6/12 68
and there is no limit upon a Court regarding not recording
satisfaction in respect of any graver detriment or tendency
made possible by the conduct or actions of an offender. In the
case in hand the accused is the highest Executive functionary
of the State of Pakistan and he has willfully, deliberately and
persistently defied a clear direction of the highest Court of the
country. We are, therefore, fully satisfied that such clear and
persistent defiance at such a high level constitutes contempt
which is substantially detrimental to the administration of
justice and tends not only to bring this Court but also brings
the judiciary of this country into ridicule. After all, if orders or
directions of the highest court of the country are defied by the
highest Executive of the country then others in the country
may also feel tempted to follow the example leading to a
collapse or paralysis of administration of justice besides
creating an atmosphere wherein judicial authority and
verdicts are laughed at and ridiculed.
71. It may be mentioned that the learned counsel for
the Respondent in his written submissions brought on the
record at the end of his oral arguments had specifically
adverted to the provisions of section 18 of the Contempt of
Court Ordinance and, thus, he was fully aware of the
applicability and implications of the said legal provision vis-àvis
the case against him. It is, however, another thing that
throughout his oral arguments and submissions the learned
counsel for the accused had failed to utter even a single word
Crl.O.P.6/12 69
on the subject. The Respondent was put on notice through
Option No.2 in the order dated 10.01.2012 (Ex.P22) of the
possible consequences of non-compliance of this Court’s
direction and the relevant portion of that order reads:
“5. This brings us to the actions we may
take against willful disobedience to and noncompliance
of some parts of the judgment
rendered and some of the directions issued
by this Court in the case of Dr. Mobashir
Hassan (supra). This Court has inter alia the
following options available with it in this
………It may not be lost sight of that,
apart from the other consequences, by
virtue of the provisions of clauses (g) and
(h) of Article 63(1) read with Article 113
of the Constitution a possible conviction
on such a charge may entail a
disqualification from being elected or
chosen as, and from being, a member of
Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) or a
Provincial Assembly for at least a period
of five years.”
72. For the above reasons we convicted and
sentenced the Respondent by short order on 26.04.2012,
as follows:
Crl.O.P.6/12 70
“For reasons to be recorded later, the
accused Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani, Prime
Minister of Pakistan/Chief Executive of the
Federation, is found guilty of and
convicted for contempt of court under
Article 204(2) of the Constitution of Islamic
Republic of Pakistan, 1973 read with
section 3 of the Contempt of Court
Ordinance (Ordinance V of 2003) for willful
flouting, disregard and disobedience of
this Court’s direction contained in
paragraph No. 178 of the judgment
delivered in the case of Dr. Mobashir
Hassan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD
2010 SC 265) after our satisfaction that
the contempt committed by him is
substantially detrimental to the
administration of justice and tends to
bring this Court and the judiciary of this
country into ridicule.
2. As regards the sentence to be
passed against the convict we note that
the findings and the conviction for
contempt of court recorded above are likely
to entail some serious consequences in
Crl.O.P.6/12 71
terms of Article 63(1)(g) of the Constitution
which may be treated as mitigating factors
towards the sentence to be passed against
him. He is, therefore, punished under
section 5 of the Contempt of Court
Ordinance (Ordinance V of 2003) with
imprisonment till the rising of the Court
26th April, 2012
Shirazi & Mudassar.
Crl.O.P.6/12 72
Asif Saeed Khan Khosa, J.: I have had the privilege of
going through the proposed judgment authored by my learned brother
Nasir-ul-Mulk, J. and I am in respectful agreement with the same. I
would, however, add the following note to the proposed judgment.
2. In the context of the case in hand I am reminded of the
following unforgettable words of Khalil Gibran that paint a picture
which unfortunately appears quite familiar:
Pity the Nation
Pity the nation that is full of beliefs and empty of religion.
Pity the nation that wears a cloth it does not weave,
eats a bread it does not harvest,
and drinks a wine that flows not from its own wine-press.
Pity the nation that acclaims the bully as hero,
and that deems the glittering conqueror bountiful.
Pity the nation that despises a passion in its dream,
Pity the nation that raises not its voice
save when it walks in a funeral,
boasts not except among its ruins,
and will rebel not save when its neck is laid
between the sword and the block.
Pity the nation whose statesman is a fox,
whose philosopher is a juggler,
and whose art is the art of patching and mimicking.
Pity the nation that welcomes its new ruler with trumpeting,
and farewells him with hooting,
only to welcome another with trumpeting again.
Pity the nation whose sages are dumb with years
and whose strong men are yet in the cradle.
Pity the nation divided into fragments,
each fragment deeming itself a nation.
3. With an apology to Khalil Gibran, and with reference to the
present context, I may add as follows:
Pity the nation that achieves nationhood in the name of a religion
but pays little heed to truth, righteousness and accountability
which are the essence of every religion.
Crl.O.P.6/12 73
Pity the nation that proclaims democracy as its polity
but restricts it to queuing up for casting of ballots only
and discourages democratic values.
Pity the nation that measures honour with success
and respect with authority,
that despises sublime and cherishes mundane,
that treats a criminal as a hero and considers civility as weakness
and that deems a sage a fool and venerates the wicked.
Pity the nation that adopts a Constitution
but allows political interests to outweigh constitutional diktat.
Pity the nation that demands justice for all
but is agitated when justice hurts its political loyalty.
Pity the nation whose servants treat their solemn oaths
as nothing more than a formality before entering upon an office.
Pity the nation that elects a leader as a redeemer
but expects him to bend every law to favour his benefactors.
Pity the nation whose leaders seek martyrdom
through disobeying the law
than giving sacrifices for the glory of law
and who see no shame in crime.
Pity the nation that is led by those
who laugh at the law
little realizing that the law shall have the last laugh.
Pity the nation that launches a movement for rule of law
but cries foul when the law is applied against its bigwig,
that reads judicial verdicts through political glasses
and that permits skills of advocacy to be practised
more vigorously outside the courtroom than inside.
Pity the nation that punishes its weak and poor
but is shy of bringing its high and mighty to book.
Pity the nation that clamours for equality before law
but has selective justice close to its heart.
Pity the nation that thinks from its heart
and not from its head.
Indeed, pity the nation
that does not discern villainy from nobility.
4. I must clarify that I do not want to spread despair or
despondency and it may be appreciated that no reform or
improvement is possible until the ills or afflictions are identified and
addressed. The respondent’s conduct in this case regrettably appears
to be symptomatic of a bigger malady which, if allowed to remain
Crl.O.P.6/12 74
unchecked or uncured, may overwhelm or engulf all of us as a nation
and I recall here what Johne Donne had written:
Each man’s death diminishes me,
For I am involved in mankind.
Therefore, send not to know
For whom the bell tolls,
It tolls for thee.
5. Khalil Gibran had also harped on a somewhat similar theme as
On Crime and Punishment
Oftentimes have I heard you speak of one who commits a wrong as
though he were not one of you, but a stranger unto you and an
intruder upon your world.
But I say that even as the holy and the righteous cannot rise
beyond the highest which is in each one of you,
So the wicked and the weak cannot fall lower than the lowest
which is in you also.
And as a single leaf turns not yellow but with the silent knowledge
of the whole tree,
So the wrong-doer cannot do wrong without the hidden will of you
Like a procession you walk together towards your god-self.
You are the way and the wayfarers.
And when one of you falls down he falls for those behind him, a
caution against the stumbling stone.
Ay, and he falls for those ahead of him, who though faster and
surer of foot, yet removed not the stumbling stone.
And this also, though the word lie heavy upon your hearts:
The murdered is not unaccountable for his own murder,
And the robbed is not blameless in being robbed.
The righteous is not innocent of the deeds of the wicked,
And the white-handed is not clean in the doings of the felon.
Yea, the guilty is oftentimes the victim of the injured,
And still more often the condemned is the burden bearer for the
guiltless and unblamed.
You cannot separate the just from the unjust and the good from the
For they stand together before the face of the sun even as the black
thread and the white are woven together.
And when the black thread breaks, the weaver shall look into the
whole cloth, and he shall examine the loom also.
6. I deem it important and relevant to explain here the conceptual
basis of the law regarding contempt of court. The power to punish a
person for committing contempt of court is primarily a power of the
Crl.O.P.6/12 75
people of this country to punish such person for contemptuous
conduct or behavior displayed by him towards the courts created by
the people for handling the judicial functions of the State and such
power of the people has been entrusted or delegated by the people to
the courts through the Constitution. It must never be lost sight of that
the ultimate ownership of the Constitution and of the organs and
institutions created thereunder as well as of all the powers of such
organs and institutions rests with the people of the country who have
adopted the Constitution and have thereby created all the organs and
institutions established under it. It may be advantageous to reproduce
here the relevant words of the Preamble to the Constitution of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973:
“we, the people of Pakistan ------- Do hereby, through our
representatives in the National Assembly, adopt, enact and give to
ourselves, this Constitution.”
It is, thus, obvious that a person defying a judicial verdict in fact
defies the will of the people at large and the punishment meted out to
him for such recalcitrant conduct or behavior is in fact inflicted upon
him not by the courts but by the people of the country themselves
acting through the courts created and established by them. It may be
well to remember that the constitutional balance vis-à-vis trichotomy
and separation of powers between the Legislature, the Judiciary and
the Executive is very delicately poised and if in a given situation the
Executive is bent upon defying a final judicial verdict and is ready to
go to any limit in such defiance, including taking the risk of bringing
down the constitutional structure itself, then in the final analysis it
would be the responsibility of the people themselves to stand up for
defending the Constitution and the organs and institutions created and
established thereunder and for dealing with the delinquent
appropriately. It shall simply be naïve to underestimate the power of
the people in matters concerning enforcement of their will. The recent
phenomenon known as the Arab Spring is too fresh to be ignored or
forgotten. Going back a little, when told about the Pope’s anger over
Crl.O.P.6/12 76
the ruthless Stalinist suppression of dissent within Russia Joseph
Stalin dismissively made a scornful query “The Pope? How many
divisions does he have?" History tells us that the will of the Russian
people ultimately prevailed over the Soviet Union’s army of countless
divisions. A page from our own recent history reminds us that the
Chief Justice of Pakistan did not possess or control any division when
he refused to obey the unconstitutional dictates of General Pervez
Musharraf, who commanded quite a few divisions, and still emerged
victorious with the help of the people. The lesson to be learnt is that if
the cause is constitutional and just then the strength and support for
the same is received from the people at large who are the ultimate
custodians of the Constitution. I am not too sure as to how many
divisions would a population of over 180 million make!
7. The respondent is the Chief Executive of our Federation who
has openly and brazenly defied the Constitutional and legal mandate
regarding compliance of and obedience to this Court’s judgments and
orders. The following words of Justice Louis Brandeis of the United
States Supreme Court in the case of Olmstead v. United States (227
U.S. 438, 485) seem to be quite apt to a situation like this:
“In a government of laws, existence of the government will be
imperiled if it fails to observe the law scrupulously. Our
Government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for
ill, it teaches the whole people by its example. Crime is
contagious. If the Government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds
contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto
himself; it invites anarchy.”
The respondent is our elected representative and our Prime Minister
and in his conviction lies our collective damnation. This surely calls
for serious introspection. I believe that the proposed judgment
authored by my learned brother Nasir-ul-Mulk, J. is a step towards the
right direction as it kindles a flame of hope for a future for our nation
which may establish a just and fair order, an order wherein the law
rules and all citizens are equal before the law.
Crl.O.P.6/12 77
(Asif Saeed Khan Khosa)

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